|New comment on Item for Geeklist "Dumpty's Wishlist"||
by Steve Carey
Related Item: Gandhi: The Decolonization of British India, 1917–1947Phenomenal game, the two non-violent factions are handled so well.
2018 can't come fast enough...
|Another unfinished book||Man, I am having the hardest time getting into a read these days. I started a science fiction novel earlier this week and ended up putting it down. Allen Steele's Coyote is the first of (at least) seven of novels about interstellar colonization. The opening is fun. It starts in the late 21st century when an authoritarian government rules what is left of the United States (New England and the West Coast have split off.) The government is a spoof of the angry white male forces that were growing in strength in the early Bush years. Said nasty government plans to colonize the stars but a rebellion steals the star ship, even sneaking on some dissidents to start anew.|
This was all well and good, but there was a bit too much bloat in the writing for my taste. Many reviewers compare the book to Heinlein and Pournelle, which is apt. In that era of scifi, ideas counted more than writing, and that seems to be the case here. To be fair, this book is actually a collection of short stories, rather than a single work.
Reaction to these endless series is hard to judge. I love the overly wordy Malazan novels of Steven Erikson, but I completely understand why the books might put off some people. I might have been better served starting this book somewhere where I could give it more attention.
|CALIFORNIA MARITIME ARCHAEOLOGY|
This thorough and very important study is offering completely new perspectives on the marine hunter-gatherers on the basis of the information and data collected during several decades of the cutting-edge researches conducted in southern California region.
The list of issues covered within this publication includes such the important ones as early seafaring, human-environmental interactions, colonial encounters and others. This truly provocative volume is intended to energize the healthy debates about the maritime societies in the above mentioned region. This work is addressing many critical issues in the recently conducted studies, including maritime intensification. The authors of this book have also tried to demonstrate that the original colonization of the San Clemente Island took place much earlier than anyone thought.
In short and according to the numerous review by the professionals and enthusiasts who have already tried this book, it offers readers an excellent and thoroughly compiled synthesis which brilliantly summarizes many years of intensive research in this field and placing San Clemente Island in a very heart of the ongoing debates about the problems of peopling of Americas, as well as the nature and antiquity of the marine adaptations, cultural complexity and other important aspects.
|I was white until I came to Canada: Paradkar||
They were innovators, scientists and mathematicians.
They held a monopoly over knowledge, land ownership, intellectual professions, social institutions and political authority.
They dominated society by setting the rules for the default standards of language, of behaviour, of customs and traditions.
They are my ancestors, from where I come as a middle-class, upper-caste Indian, the creators of a system so resilient it survived centuries after centuries of invasions and colonization by the Greeks, the Mughals, the Europeans, the British.
Born in post-colonial India, I grew up with strong female role models — Hindu goddesses, warrior queens, feisty politicians, professional aunts and a mother determined not to allow my sister and me to be treated differently from our brother.
Like many women seeking to shape a modern India that was equitable, I grew up challenging traditions about our place in society, questioning norms about viewing marriage as an achievement or the deep value placed on chastity.
When I supported our domestic worker against her drunken husband, when I lectured women from nearby villages about HIV/AIDS or exhorted them to have fewer children, I based my efforts on the premise that all people needed was a little leg up to get on a level-playing field.
You could say I was a well-meaning white feminist.
Invisible to me were the barriers and mental prisons formed by the matrices of caste, skin colour, and centuries of dependency piled on top of the misogyny the women experienced.
Sometimes you notice the rug only when it is pulled from under your feet.
I moved to beautiful Canada.
Moving here had the effect of literally flying to the top of the Earth and looking at the world from a new vantage point. It gave me perspective.
Canada felt like my calm partner, and India a tempestuous ex. Life there was vibrant, full-throated, no holds barred. You shouted, you cried, you laughed out loud. Here, for a new immigrant with a job, life appeared tranquil, pleasant and for the most part predictable.
I had never not belonged where I lived, and here, too, I felt included in inclusive Canada. I didn’t see the difference between the mostly white Canadians around me and myself — I thought I was essentially like them, with darker skin and a few religious rituals.
The first strike against that notion, or at least one that registered, came at a car dealership where the salesman shut me down saying he did not negotiate with Indians when I asked if that was the best price he could offer. I didn’t recognize it then but it was when my racialization began.
Over the years, came other instances of individual racism. The shoe salesman who told my visiting father every single shoe he wanted was not in stock, the woman who invited me over but whose husband didn’t show up in his own house because he didn’t like immigrants, the people who didn’t take me seriously because I sound different.
I believe everybody, no matter of what background, has experienced being put down for something in that background, some with more far-reaching repercussions than others. My exposure to colourism/shadeism in India and the systemic racism I saw here quickly made it obvious that what I faced was nothing compared to what even darker-skinned people experienced or what Black people faced. This society is centred around whiteness — proximity to whiteness brings privilege, and anti-Black racism is not a historical shame. It is a vile and vicious present-day malaise.
Then came the discovery that blindsided me. The unpeeling of layers hidden underneath Canada’s calm revealed the anguish of the Indigenous peoples of this land. I knew an ancient civilization existed here, but I had thought Canada was a benign rearranging of the cultures; adventurers came, treaties were signed and hello, 150 years.
I had thought of Indigenous people as a scattered group of what are called “tribals” in India or the orang asli in Malaysia — people of a bygone era, living on their own remote lands, untouched by modernity.
What I have learned is they have more in common with us, the millions from colonized lands who have known and felt the tragedies that the colonizers wrought on our people, reading stories and hearing them from the mouths of our parents and grandparents.
This revelation of contemporary colonialism feels like the pages from my history books have come alive, challenging me to participate now, giving me a chance to take sides this time, connecting me to the people who were once mistaken for my forefathers. This brought about a seismic shift in my understanding of where I, now a “non-white,” was situated in the social and racial landscape; if I was once white, by attitude, I was once native, too, in fact.
The pain of Indigenous and Black people doesn’t exist for my learning or betterment; only mine does. I cannot burden others to educate me. So I try to listen with an open heart and do my job, to make uncomfortable those liberal-minded Canadians whom I know to otherwise nurture a deep sense of fairness and civic duty, but whose privilege shields them from facing this morally unsustainable treatment of people.
When I celebrate Canada 150 it will be not for what has been accomplished but for the promise of its potential to lead the world to equity.
Here I am then, once again, poking holes in deeply rooted ideas, questioning traditions about people’s place in society, this time in Canada.
I have found my feet.
I am home.
Shree Paradkar tackles issues of race and gender. You can follow her @shreeparadkar
|Comment on Professor disagrees with Elon Musk’s Mars colonization plans by pariah dog||You're just a hopelessly stupid little piece of shit, aren't you? Nothing you can say is original, you miserable little hack. You've never had an honest callus on your hands in your life, and you've never served your country in the military, or you'd know exactly what I mean. You belong in Russia, not in my country.|
|Comment on Professor disagrees with Elon Musk’s Mars colonization plans by baddata6||peabrain dog: You don't? (quote) "It can be said more accurately that capitalism is fine until you run out of other people's blood, sweat, and tears." Who runs out of other people's blood sweat and tears? Who are you talking about?
You know who you're talking about and I know who you're talking about and everyone else here knows who you are talking about.
No, I'm not going to crawl off and die not as long as I have someone I can reply to just to show people how dumb libs really are, besides it's fun watching you squirm!|
|A Pan-African agenda for the 21st century|
Notes on the opening session of the 2nd Kwame Nkrumah Cultural and Intellectual Festival
On Monday 26 June 2017, a most important event for the future of the Global African family took place on African soil at the University of Ghana, Legon, Ghana. It was a gathering of Africans and pan-Africanists, academics, activists, political leaders, students and youth from all over the world at the opening ceremony of the 2nd Kwame Nkrumah Pan-African Intellectual and Cultural Festival.
In a day characterised by seriousness of purpose, commonality of ideas and sense of mission, the foundation of the meeting was set by Kwame Nkrumah Chair of African Studies Professor Horace Campbell who, in welcoming the participants, provided what can only be described as a masterful “update” of the state of the black condition globally. Prof Campbell achieved the simultaneous goal of updating participants on the specific struggles in specific regions but also demonstrated to all and sundry how their struggles are interlinked.
In what was described, by Joseph Engwenyu, a historian from Uganda, as the most powerful opening ceremony to any global conference that he has ever attended, nowhere was left untouched and analysed in Campbell’s welcome: from the struggles against neo-liberalism in Latin America and the deliberate overthrow of the ordered states of Libya, Iraq and Syria and North Africa and the Middle East, significantly worsening the lives of black citizens in these countries, but more importantly, reversing the possibilities of the economic and material advancement of the pan-African project which was being led by Libya.
In his roll call, Campbell noted the physical absence of Haiti, but was moved to invoke their presence in spirit, since he affirmed that it is impossible to hold a gathering of this nature without acknowledging Haiti, for its sacrifices in igniting the flame of African liberation globally.
Significantly, too, Campbell highlighted the fact of the re-articulation of renewed imperialist aggression by the United States against people of colour, both within and outside its borders. Arising out of this assessment, Campbell emphasised that the ultimate aim of the conference was to establish modes of deepening African unity and to identify concrete practical steps for charting the way forward as an agenda for pan-Africanism in the twenty-first century.
This theme of the need for unity was sustained and reinforced by strong solidarity messages, the most symbolic being delivered by Samia Nkrumah, the daughter of Ghana’s founding president and eminent pan-Africanist Kwame Nkrumah, who insisted on the need to re-affirm Nkrumah’s message of continental unity: one economy, one currency, one army, one foreign policy and one government. Given the convening of a conference called under the name of Kwame Nkrumah, it was a significant wake-up call, which placed the ultimate vision of Nkrumah squarely at the centre of the consciousness of the participants.
The opening ceremony was presided over by the Vice Chancellor of the University of Ghana Professor Ebenezer Owusu. After the welcome statement by the Director of the Institute of African Studies Professor Dzodzi Tsikata, there were solidarity messages from Barbados, the former Prime Minister of Namibia, Nahas Nangula, representative of the Polisario liberation forces of Western Sahara, Mr M. M. Buyema and Samia Nkrumah, the daughter of Kwame Nkrumah. The President of Ghana was represented by Professor Kwesi Yankah, Deputy Minister of Education.
The highlight of the gathering of this opening ceremony of more than 400 persons in the Great Hall of the University of Ghana was the feature address, delivered by the Vice Chancellor of the University of the West Indies, Sir Hilary Beckles, whose contribution set the analytical and a programmatic guideline for the way forward for pan-Africanism to the mid-twenty-first century.
On reflecting upon the African condition in the context of the Western world’s claim to fighting a war on terror, Prof Beckles noted that no part of the world has had a more brutal experience of terrorism than the Caribbean under European slavery. Having established this fact, Beckles therefore set the stage for reflecting on a future pan-African project.
His proposed program was framed within a recounting of the stance taken by the major African states at the UN Durban World Conference Against Racism in which, according to his recounting, the formal leaders of Africa abandoned the Caribbean delegations in their call for reparations. The powerful symbol left by Beckles was that of a mother (Africa) abandoning her scattered children (the Caribbean). He insisted that something had been broken and needed to be repaired.
Beckles framed his argument on the basis that the Caribbean had “done its part” for Africa, from its intellectual, moral and organisational contribution to the struggles against colonialism and independence through the work of pan-Africanists like George Padmore, to the struggle against apartheid as seen in the work of reggae artistes like Bob Marley, to the military contribution of Cuba in Southern Africa. According to Beckles’s narrative, the children had never walked away from the mother, and that Africa, by turning her back on her children in their hour of need, had inflicted a deep wound in the relationship that needed to be healed. Beckles therefore suggested that before any further forward movement could occur, the African mother would have to reach out to her children in global Africa, as part of the process of healing.
Symbolism aside, this call for the African mother to reach out to her children set the scene for the offering of practical and programmatic agenda which would emerge in the conference. This not only included the role of Africa in supporting the call to spearhead a reparations movement, but it forced upon the conference the need to think about the kind of agenda around which a program of reaching out between Africa and the Caribbean could be built. This represents the first framework for a future pan-African agenda.
The second inference by Beckles, which created a framework for a future program of action for pan-Africanism, was his own recognition of a split between African states and African civil society, which was symbolised in Durban with the support for reparations from African civil society but a rejection of the call for reparations by the states. This recognition of the split over reparations was seen as symptomatic of a deeper crisis of the post-colonial independent state, in which elites have been cut off from the aspirations of the people.
This set the tone for a second major agenda issue of the conference: the need to re-examine the failures of an elite-led independence project and, relatedly, the failures of an elite-led pan-African project. Indeed, this has, at the time of writing, constituted a major aspect of the theoretical and practical aspects of the conference, with many of the papers focussing on re-examining the ideas of Walter Rodney, CLR James, George Padmore, WEB Dubois, Amilcar Cabral, Frantz Fanon, Kwame Nkrumah and others.
In addition, the question of overcoming many of the specific aspects of the failure and reversal of the independence and Pan-Africanism have been placed on the agenda. Thus, issues of education, land reform, an African currency, economic sovereignty, integration, indeed, a re-examining of every major aspect of the ongoing failures of post-colonial experience, was inspired by the recognition of the split between civil society and states.
Finally, above all else, the conference theme was “Global Africa 2063: Education for Reconstruction and Transformation”. The conference, and opening ceremony, created an excellent platform for future links between education institutions between Africa, the Caribbean, Latin America, and North America, and the rethinking of the substance of education into a future pan-African project, towards meeting the African Union’s goal of a unified Africa by the year 2063.
Given the energy of the conference, the crisis of global capitalism, the sense of mission, and the feeling of the urgency of moment, Professor Campbell was moved to warn that African unity will come before 2063. We await the formal release of the Accra Declaration of Action, as a way forward towards pan-Africanism into the twenty-first Century.
* TENNYSON S.D. JOSEPH teaches in the Department of Government, Sociology & Social Work at the University of the West Indies, Cave Hill. He is a prolific writer who pens a weekly column in the Nation. He is the author of Decolonization in St. Lucia: Politics and Global Neoliberalism, 1945–2010, University Press of Mississippi, 2011.
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|Hand-washing no defence against MRSA transmission in NICU babies|| |
[USA], Jun 30 (ANI): Turns out, even perfectly clean hands can lead to a superbug transmission among babies in the neonatal intensive care unit (NICU).
Drexel University researcher Neal D. Goldstein and his team decided to look at how the complex patient care environment of an NICU may lead to Methicillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus (MRSA) transmission.
Focusing on hand hygiene, a top indicator of whether infections might spread in hospitals, the researchers examined transmission from baby to baby, with the hospital workers that come into contact with newborns standing as the link.
And as it turns out, even theoretically perfect compliance with hand hygiene won't completely eliminate the chance for MRSA to spread: the averaged risk reduction was 86 percent.
Goldstein said that the biggest implication is that hospitals should not just rely upon hand hygiene alone for protecting patients from becoming colonized and possibility infected with a difficult-to-treat organism. Rather, infection control is a multi-pronged strategy. It can incorporate early detection and measures to mitigate spread that include possible decolonization or using an antibiotic to treat a patient even before infection.
The study used MRSA, a difficult to treat pathogen that can be deadly for people with weak or underdeveloped immune systems, as its subject.
Goldstein discovered that even if health workers had absolutely perfect hand hygiene, just under one in every 100 contacts between a baby and a hospital worker could still result in a MRSA transmission. During the average nine day stay, an infant is likely to have about 250 contacts with NICU workers that carry risk for MRSA transmission. While each contact is an opportunity for hygiene compliance, it is also potential for hygienic practices to break down.
"This sheds light on just how complex the patient care environment of a NICU is," Goldstein said. "There are so many opportunities to potentially pass an organism between healthcare workers and their patients."
Although it seemed that MRSA could not be completely wiped out through perfect hand hygiene, the study did show that the better hand hygiene was, the more it cut down on the spread of MRSA. The effect never quite levelled off, but continued to get better as hygiene levels improved.
"We can follow hygiene procedures, use gowns or gloves as needed, keep a clean environment, not bring in possible fomites such as cell phones, watches, or jewellery, and be a watchdog for the hospital, requesting that healthcare workers do hand hygiene if we don't see it being done," Goldstein said. "Outside the hospital, patients and parents can be more vigilant in requesting and using antibiotics appropriately so as not to give rise to antimicrobial resistant organisms. We're all participants in infection control, not just the clinicians."
The study is published in Infection Control & Hospital Epidemiology. (ANI)
|Racing From Art To Revolution And Back Again In 'The Flamethrowers'||Rachel Kushner's brilliant lightning bolt of a novel, The Flamethrowers , straddles two revolutions: the squatter-artist colonization of Manhattan's SoHo in the 1970s, and the rise of Italy's radical left during the same period. Its young artist narrator, Reno, is wistful and brutally candid at once, with a voice like a painting — lush and evocative — but also like a scythe. "Enchantment," she says, describing her dashed hopes after a one-night stand, "means to want something and also to know, somewhere inside yourself, not an obvious place, that you aren't going to get it." After graduating from art school, Reno has sold her motorcycle and left Nevada to seek her fortune. It is, she says, "an irony but a fact that a person had to move to New York City first, to become an artist of the West." The two men she soon falls for are both artists with "a palpable sense of their own future, who constructed plans and then followed them," whereas she lives in such a way that "chance came blowing|
|The Philippines a Century Hence||(by José Rizal Translated by Charles E. Derbyshire)|
NOTE: This famous essay of Rizal entitled "Filipinas de cien años" was first published in La Solidaridad, Madrid, between September 30, 1889, and February 1, 1890
PART ONE: Following our usual custom of facing squarely the most difficult and delicate questions related to the Philippines, without weighing the consequences that our frankness may bring upon us, we shall in the present article treat of their future.
In order to read the destiny of a people, it is necessary to open the book of its past, and this, for the Philippines may be reduced in general terms to what follows.
Scarcely had they been attached to the Spanish crown than they had sustained with their blood and the efforts of their sons the wars and ambitions, and conquest of the Spanish people, and in these struggles, in that terrible crisis when a people changes its form of government, its laws, usages, customs, religion and beliefs; the Philippines was depopulated, impoverished and retarded -- caught in their metamorphosis without confidence in their past, without faith in their present and with no fond home of the years to come. The former rulers who had merely endeavored to secure the fear and submission of their subjects, habituated by them to servitude, fell like leaves from a dead tree, and the people, who had no love for them nor knew what liberty was, easily changed masters, perhaps hoping to gain something by the innovation.
Then began a new era for the Filipinos. They gradually lost their ancient traditions, their recollections, -- they forgot their writings, their songs, their poetry, their laws in order to learn by heart other doctrines, which they did not understand, other ethics, other tastes, different from those inspired in their race by their climate and their way of thinking. Then there was a falling-off, they were lowered in their own eyes, they became ashamed of what was distinctively their own, in order to admire and praise that was foreign and incomprehensible; their spirit was broken and they acquiesced.
Thus years and centuries rolled on. Religious shows, rites that caught the eye, songs, lights, images arrayed with gold, worship in a strange language, legends, miracles and sermons, hypnotized the already naturally superstitious spirits of the country but did not succeed in destroying it altogether, in spite of the whole system afterwards developed and operated with unyielding tenacity.
When the ethical abasement of the inhabitants had reached this stage, when they had become disheartened and disgusted with themselves, an effort was made to add the final stroke for reducing so many dormant wills and intellects to nothingness, in order to make of the individual a sort of toiler, a brute, a beast of burden and to develop a race without mind or heart. “Then the end sought was revealed, it was taken for granted, and the race was insulted, an effort was made to deny it every virtue, every human characteristic, and there were even writers and priests who pushed the movement still further by trying to deny to the natives of the country not only capacity for virtue but also even the tendency to vice.
Then this which they had thought would be death was sure salvation. Some dying persons are restored to health by a heroic remedy.
So great endurance reached its climax with the insults, and the lethargic spirit woke up to life. His sensitiveness, the chief trait of the native, was touched, and while he had the forbearance to suffer and die under a foreign flag, he had it not when they whom he served repaid his sacrifices with insults and jests. Then he began to study himself and to realize his misfortune. Those who had not expected this result, like all despotic masters, regarded as a wrong every complaint, every protest, and punished it with death, endeavoring thus to stifle every cry of sorrow with blood, and they made mistake after mistake.
The spirit of the people was not thereby cowed, and even though it had been awakened in only a few hearts, its flame nevertheless was surely and consumingly propagated, thanks to abuses and the stupid endeavors of certain classes to stifle noble and generous sentiments. Thus when a flame catches a garment, fear and confusion propagate it more and more, and each shake, each blow, is a blast from the bellows to fan it into life.
Undoubtedly during all this time there were not lacking generous and noble spirits among the dominant race that tired to struggle for the rights of humanity and justice, or sordid and cowardly ones among the dominated that aided the debasement of their own country. But both were exceptions and we are speaking in general terms.
Such is an outline of their past. We know their present. Now what will their future be?
Will the Philippine Islands continue to be a Spanish colony, and if so, what kind of colony? Will they become a province of Spain, with or without autonomy? And to reach this stage, what kind of sacrifices will have to be made?
Will they be separated from the mother country to live independently, to fall into the hands of other nations, or to ally themselves with neighboring powers?
It is impossible to reply to these questions, for to all of them both yes and now may be answered, according to the time desired to be covered. When there is in nature no fixed condition, how much less must there be in the life of a people, being endowed with mobility and movement! So, it is that in order to deal with those questions, it is necessary to presume an unlimited period of time, and in accordance therewith try to forecast future events.
PART TWO: What will become of the Philippines within a century? Will they continue to be a Spanish colony?
Had this question been asked three centuries ago, when at Legazpi’s death the Malayan Filipinos began to be gradually undeceived and, finding the yoke heavy, tried in vain to shake it off without any doubt whatsoever the reply would have been easy. To a spirit enthusiastic over the liberty of the country, to those unconquerable Kagayanes who nourished within themselves the spirit of Mgalats, to the descendants of the heroic Gat Pulintang and Gat Salakab of the Province of Batangas, independence was assured, it was merely a question of getting together and making a determination. But for him who, disillusioned by sad experience, saw everywhere discord and disorder, apathy and brutalization in the lower classes, discouragement and disunion in the upper, only one answer presented itself, and it was: extend his hands to the chains, bow his neck beneath the yoke and accept the future with the resignation of an invalid who watches the leaves fall and foresees a long winter amid whose snows he discerns the outlines of his grave. At the time discord justified pessimism -- but three centuries passed, the meek had become accustomed to the yoke, and each new generation, begotten in chains, was constantly better adapted to the new order of things.
Now then, are the Philippines in the same condition they were three centuries ago?
For the liberal Spaniards the ethical condition of the people remains the same, that is, the native Filipinos have not advanced; for the friars and their followers the people have been redeemed from savagery, that is, they have progressed; for many Filipinos ethics, spirit and customs have decayed, as decay all the good qualities of a people that falls into slavery that is, they have retrograded.
Laying aside these considerations, so as not to get away from our subject let us draw the brief parallel between the political situation then and the situation at present, in order to see if what was not possible at that time can be so now, or vice versa.
Let us pass over the loyalty the Filipinos may feel for Spain; let us suppose for a moment, along with Spanish writers, that there exist only motives for hatred and jealousy between the two races; let us admit the assertions flaunted by many that three centuries of domination have not awakened in the sensitive heart of the native a single spark of affection or gratitude; and we may see whether or not the Spanish cause has gained ground in the Islands.
Formerly the Spanish authority was upheld among the natives by a handful of soldiers, three to five hundred at most, many of whom were engaged in trade and were scattered about not only in the Islands but also among the neighboring nations, occupied in long wars against the Mohammedans in the south, against the British and Dutch, and ceaselessly harassed by Japanese, Chinese, or some tribes in the interior. Then communication with Mexico and Spain was slow, rare and difficult; frequent and violent the disturbances among the ruling powers in the Islands, the treasury nearly always empty, and the life of the colonists dependent upon one frail ship that handled the Chinese trade. Then the seas in those regions were infested with pirates, all enemies of the Spanish name, which was defended by an impoverished fleet, generally manned by rude adventurers, when not by foreigners and enemies, which was checked and an expedition of Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, which was checked and frustrated by the mutiny of the Chinese rowers, who killed him and thwarted all his plans and schemes. Yet in spite of so many adverse circumstances the Spanish authority had been upheld for more than three centuries and, though it has been curtailed, still continues to rule the destinies of the Philippine group.
On the other hand, the present situation seems to be gilded and rosy -- as we might say, a beautiful morning compared to the vexed and stormy night of the past. The material forces at the disposal of the Spanish sovereign have now been trebled; the fleet relatively improved: there is more organization in both civil and military affairs; communication with the sovereign country is swifter and surer; she has no enemies abroad; her possession is assured and the country dominated seems to have less spirit, less aspiration for independence, a world that is to it almost incomprehensible. Everything then at first glance presages another three centuries, at least, of peaceful domination and tranquil suzerainty.
But above the material considerations are arising others, invisible, of an ethical nature, far more powerful and transcendental.
Orientals and the Malays, in particular, are a sensitive people: delicacy of sentiment is predominant with them. Even now, in spite of contact with the Occidental nations, who have ideas different from his, we see the Malayan Filipino sacrifice everything -- liberty, ease, welfare, name for the sake of an aspiration or a conceit sometimes scientific, or of some other nature but at the least word which wounds his self-love he forgets all his sacrifices, the labor expended, to treasure in his memory and never forget the slight he thinks he has received.
So the Philippine peoples have remained faithful during three centuries, giving up their liberty and their independence, sometimes dazzled by the hope of the Paradise promised, sometimes cajoled by the friendship offered them by a noble and generous people like the Spanish, sometimes also compelled by superiority of arms of which they were ignorant and which timid spirits invested with a mysterious character, or sometimes because the invading foreigner took advantage of internecine feuds to step in as the peacemaker in discord and thus after to dominate both parties and subject them to his authority.
Spanish domination once established, was firmly maintained, thanks to the attachment of the people, to their mutual dissensions, and to the fact that the sensitive self-love of the native had not yet been wounded. Then the people saw their own countrymen in the higher ranks of the army, their general officers fighting beside the heroes of Spain and sharing their laurels, begrudged neither character, reputation nor consideration; then fidelity and attachment to Spain, love for the fatherland, made of the native encomendero and even general, as during the English invasion; then there had not yet been invented the insulting and ridiculous epithets with which recently the most laborious and painful achievements of the native leaders have been stigmatized; not then had it become the fashion to insult and slander in stereotyped phrase, in newspapers and books published with governmental and superior ecclesiastical approval, the people that paid, fought and poured out its blood for the Spanish name, nor was it considered either noble or witty to offend a whole race, which was forbidden to reply or defend itself, and if there were religious hypochondriacs who in the leisure of their cloisters dared to write against it, as did the Augustinian Gaspar de San Agustin and the Jesuit Velarde, their loathsome abortions never saw the light, and still less were they themselves rewarded with miters and raised to high offices. True it is that neither were the natives of that time such as we are now: three centuries of brutalization and obscurantism have necessarily had some influence upon us, the most beautiful work of divinity in the hands of certain artisans may finally be converted into a caricature.
The priests of that epoch, wishing to establish their domination over the people, got in touch with it and made common cause with it against the oppressive encomenderos. Naturally, the people saw in them learning and some prestige and placed its confidence in them, followed their advice, and listened to them in the darkest hours. If they wrote, they did so in defense of the rights of the native and made his cry reach even to the distant steps of the Throne. And not a few priests, both secular and regular, undertook dangerous journeys, as representatives of the country, and this, along with the strict and public residencia then required of the governing powers, from the captain-general to the most insignificant official, rather consoled and pacified the wounded spirits, satisfying, even though it were only in form, all the malcontents.
All this has passed away. The derisive laughter penetrates like mortal poison into the heart of the native who pays and suffers and it becomes more offensive the more immunity it enjoys. A common sore the general affront offered to a whole race, has wiped away the old feuds among different provinces. The people no longer have confidence in its former protectors, now its exploiters and executioners. The masks have fallen. It has been that the love and piety of the past have come to resemble the devotion of a nurse, who, unable to live elsewhere, desires the eternal infancy, eternal weakness, for the child in order to go on drawing her wages and existing at its expense, it has seen not only that she does not nourish it to make it grow but that she poisons it to stunt its growth and at the slightest protest she flies into a rage! The ancient show of justice, the holy residencia has disappeared; confusion of ideas begins to prevail; the regard shown for a governor-general, lie La Torre, becomes a crime in the government of his successor, sufficient to cause the citizen to lose his liberty and his home; if he obeys the order of one official, as in the recent matter of admitting corpses into the church, it is enough to have the obedient subjects later harassed and persecuted in every possible way; obligations and taxes increase without thereby increasing rights, privileges and liberties or assuring the few in existence; a regime of continual terror and uncertainty disturbs the minds, a regime worse than a period of disorder for the fears that the imagination conjures up are generally greater than the reality; the country is poor; the financial crisis through which it is passing is acute, and every one points out with the finger the persons who are causing the trouble, yet no one dares lay hands upon them!
True it is that the Penal Code has come like a drop of balm to such bitterness. But of what use are all the codes in the world, if by means of confidential reports, if for trifling reasons, if through anonymous traitors any honest citizen may be exiled or banished without a hearing, without a trial? Of what use is that Penal Code, of what use is life, if there is no security in the home, no faith in justice and confidence in tranquility of conscience? Of what use is all that array of terms, all that collection of articles, when the cowardly accusation of a traitor has more influence in the timorous ears of the supreme autocrat than all the cries for justice?
If this state of affairs should continue, what will be come of the Philippines within a century?
The batteries are gradually becoming charged and if the prudence of the government does not provide an outlet for the currents that are accumulating, some day the spark will be generated. This is not the place to speak of what outcome such a deplorable conflict might have, for it depends upon chance, upon the weapons and upon a thousand circumstances which man cannot foresee. But even though all the advantages should be on the government’s side and therefore the probability of success, it would be a Pyrrhic victory, and not government ought to desire such.
If those who guide the destinies of the Philippines remain obstinate, and instead of introducing reforms try to make the condition of the country retrograde; to push their severity and repression to extremes against the classes that suffer and think they are going to force the latter to venture and put into play the wretchedness of an unquiet life, filled with privation and bitterness, against the hope of securing something indefinite. What would be lost in the struggle? Almost nothing: the life of the numerous discontented classes has no such great attraction that it should be preferred to a glorious death. It may indeed be a suicidal attempt -- but then, what? Would not a bloody chasm yawn between victors and vanquished and might not the latter with time and experience become equal in strength, since they are superior in numbers to their dominators? Who disputes this? All the petty instructions that have occurred in the Philippines were the work of a few fanatics or discontented soldiers, who had to deceive and humbug the people or avail themselves of their powers over their subordinates to gain their ends. So they all failed. No insurrection had a popular character or was based on a need of the whole race or fought for human rights or justice, so it left no ineffaceable impressions, but rather when they saw that they had been duped the people bound up their wounds and applauded the overthrow of the disturbers of their peace! But what if the movement springs from the people themselves and based its causes upon their woes?
So then, if the prudence and wise reforms of our ministers do not find capable and determined interpreters among the colonial governors and faithful perpetrators among those whom the frequent perpetrators among those whom the frequent political changes send to fill such a delicate post; if met with the eternal it is out of order, preferred by the elements who see their livelihood in the backwardness of their subjects, it just claims are to go unheeded, as being of a subversive tendency; if the country is denied representation in the Cortes and an authorized voice to cry out against all kinds of abuses, which escape through the complexity of the laws; if in short, the system, prolific in results of alienating the goodwill of the natives, is to continue, pricking his apathetic mind with insults and charges of ingratitude, we can assert that in a few yeas the present state of affairs will have been modified completely -- and inevitably. There now exists a factor which was formerly lacking -- the spirit of the nation has been aroused and a common misfortune, a common debasement has united all the inhabitants of the Islands. A numerous enlightened class now exists within and without the Islands, a class created and continually augmented by the stupidity of certain governing powers, which forces the inhabitants to leave the country, to secure education abroad, and it is maintained thanks to the provocation and the system of espionage in vogue. This class, whose number is cumulatively increasing, is in constant communication with the rest of the Islands, and if today it constitutes only the brain of the country in a few years it will form the whole nervous system and manifest its existence in all its acts.
Now, statecraft has various means at its disposal for checking a people on the road to progress; the brutalization of the masses through a caste addicted to the government, aristocratic, as in the Dutch colonies, or theocratic as in the Philippines; the impoverishment of the country; the gradual extermination of the inhabitants; and fostering of feuds among the races.
Brutalization of the Malayan Filipinos has been demonstrated to be impossible. In spite of the dark horde of friars in whose hands rests the instruction of youth, which miserably wastes years and years in the colleges, issuing therefrom tired, weary and disgusted with books: in spite of the censorship which tries to close every avenue to progress; in spite of all the pupils, confessionals, books, and missals that inculcate hatred toward not only all scientific knowledge but even toward the Spanish language itself; in spite of this whole elaborate system perfected and tenaciously operated by those who wish to keep the Islands in holy ignorance; there exist writers, freethinkers, historians, philosophers, chemists, physicians, artists, and jurists. Enlightenment is spreading and the persecution it suffers quickens it. No, the divine flame of thought is inextinguishable in the Filipino people and somehow or other it will shine forth and compel recognition. It is impossible to brutalize the inhabitants of the Philippines!
May poverty arrest their development? Perhaps, but it is a very dangerous means. Experience has everywhere shown us and especially in the Philippines, that the classes which are better off have always been addicted to peace and order, because they live comparatively better and may be the losers in civil disturbances. Wealth brings with it refinement, the spirit of conservation, while poverty inspires adventurous ideas, the desire to change things and has little care for life. Machiavelli himself held this means of subjecting of a people to be perilous, observing that loss of welfare stirs up more obdurate enemies than loss of life. Moreover, when there are wealth and abundance, there is less discontent, less compliant and the government, itself wealthier, has more means for sustaining itself. On the other hand, there occurs in a poor country what becomes in a house where bread is wanting? And further, of what use to the mother country would a poor and lean colony be?
Neither is possible gradually to exterminate the inhabitants. The Philippine races, like all the Malays, do not succumb before the foreigner, like the Australians, the Polynesians and the Indians of the New World. In spite of the numerous wars the Filipinos have had to carry on, in spite of the epidemics that have periodically visited them, their number has trebled, as has that of the Malays of Java and the Moluccas. The Filipino embraces civilization and lives and thrives in every clime, in contact with every people. Rum, that poison which exterminated the natives of the Pacific islands, has no power in the Philippines, but rather, comparison of their present condition with that described by the earlier historians, makes it appear that the Filipinos have grown soberer. The petty wars with the inhabitants of the south consume only the soldiers, people who by their fidelity to the Spanish flag, far from being a menace, are surely one of its solidest supports.
Three remains the fostering of internecine feuds among the provinces.
This was formerly possible, when communication from one island to another was rare and difficult, when there were not steamers or telegraph lines, when the regiments were formed according to the various provinces, when some provinces were cajoled by awards of privileges and honor and other were protected from the strongest. But now that the privileges have disappeared, that through a spirit of distrust the regiments have been reorganized, that the inhabitants move from one island to another, communication and exchange of impressions naturally increase, and as all see themselves threatened by the same peril and wounded in the same feelings, they clasp hands and make common cause. It is true that the union is not yet wholly perfected, but to this end the measures of good government, the vexations to which the townspeople are subjected, the frequent changes of officials, the scarcity of centers of learning, forces of the youth of all the islands to come together and begin to get acquainted. The journeys to Europe contribute not a little to tighten the bonds, for abroad the inhabitants of most widely separated provinces are impressed by their patriotic feelings, from sailors even to the wealthiest merchants, and at the sight of modern liberty and the memory of the misfortunes of their country, they embrace and call one another brothers.
In short, then, the advancement and ethical progress of the Philippines are inevitable, are decreed by fate.
The Islands cannot remain in the condition they are without requiring from the sovereign country more liberty. Mutatis mutandis. For new men, a new social order.
To wish that the alleged child remain in its swaddling clothes is to risk that it may turn against the nurse and flee, tearing away the old rags that bind it.
The Philippines, then, will remain under Spanish domination, but with more law and greater liberty, or they will declare themselves independent after steeping themselves and the mother country in blood.
As no one should desire or hope for such an unfortunate rupture, which would be an evil for all and only the final argument in the most desperate predicament, let us see by what forms of peaceful evolution the Islands may remain subjected to the Spanish authority, with the very least detriment to the rights, interests and dignity of both parties.
PART THREE: If the Philippines must remain under the control of Spain, they will necessarily have to be transformed in a political sense, for the course of their history and the needs of their inhabitants so required. This we demonstrated in the preceding article.
We also said that this transformation will be violent and fatal if it proceeds from the ranks of the people, but peaceful and fruitful if it emanates from the upper classes.
Some governors have realized this truth, and impelled by their patriotism, have been trying to introduce needed reforms in order to forestall events. But notwithstanding all that have been ordered up to the present time, they have produced scanty results, for the government as well as for the country. Even those that promised only a happy issue have at times caused injury, for the simple reason that they have been based upon unstable grounds.
We said and once more we repeat, and all will ever assert, that reforms, which have a palliative character, are not only ineffectual but even prejudicial when the government is confronted with evils that must be cured radically. And were we not convinced of the honesty and rectitude of some governors, we would be tempted to say that all the partial reforms are only plasters and salves of a physician, who, not knowing how to cure the cancer, and not daring to root it out, tries in this way to alleviate the patient’s sufferings or to temporize with the cowardice of the timid and ignorant.
All the reforms of our liberal ministers were, have been, are, and will be good -- when carried out.
When we think of them, we are reminded of the dieting of Sancho Panza in this Barataria Island. He took his seat at a sumptuous and well-appointed table “covered with fruit and many varieties of food differently prepared,” but between the wretch’s mouth and each dish the physician Pedro Rezio interposed his wand, saying, “Take it away!” The dish removed, Sancho was as hungry as ever. Truth is that the despotic Pedro Rezio gave reasons, which seem to have been written by Cervantes especially for the colonial administrations. “You must not eat, Mr. Governor, except according to the usage and custom of other islands, where there are governors.” Something was found to be wrong with each dish: one was too hot, another too moist, and so on, just like our Pedro Rezio on both sides of the sea. Great good did his cook’s skill do Sancho!
In the case of our country, the reforms take the place of the dishes, the Philippines are Sancho, while the part of the quack physician is played by many persons interested in not having the dishes touched, perhaps that they may themselves get the benefit of them.
The result is that the long suffering Sancho, or the Philippines, misses his liberty, rejects all government and ends up by rebelling against his quack physician.
In this manner, so long as the Philippines have no liberty of the press, have no voice in the Cortes to make known to the government and to the nation whether or not their decrees have been duly obeyed, whether or not these benefit the country, all the able efforts of the colonial ministers will meet the fate of the dishes in Barataria Island.
The minister, then, who wants his reforms to be reforms, must begin by declaring the press in the Philippines free and by instituting Filipino delegates.
The free press in the Philippines, because their complaints rarely ever reach the Peninsula, very rarely, and if they do they are so secret, so mysterious that no newspaper dares to publish them, or if it does reproduce them, it does so tardily and badly.
A government that rules a country from a great distance is the one that has the most need for a free press more so even than the government of the home country, if it wishes to rule rightly and fitly. The government that governs in a country may even dispense with the press (if it can), because it is on the ground, because it has eyes and ears, and because it directly observes what it rules and administers. But the government that governs from afar absolutely requires that the truth and the facts reach its knowledge by every possible channel so that it may weigh and estimate them better, and this need increases when a country like the Philippines is concerned, where the inhabitants speak and complain in a language unknown to the authorities. To govern in any other way may also be called governing, but it is to govern badly. It amounts to pronouncing judgment after hearing only one of the parties; it is steering a ship without reckoning its conditions, the state of the sea, the reefs and shoals, the direction of the winds and currents. It is managing a house by endeavoring merely to give it polish and a fine appearance without watching the money chest, without looking after the servants and the members of the family.
But routine is a declivity down which many governments slide, and routine says that freedom of the press is dangerous. Let us see what History says: uprisings and revolutions have always occurred in countries tyrannized over, in countries where human thought and the human heart have been forced to remain silent.
If the great Napoleon had not tyrannized over the press, perhaps it would have warned him of the peril into which he was hurled and have made him understand that the people were weary and the earth wanted peace. Perhaps his genius, instead of being dissipated in foreign aggrandizement would have become intensive in laboring to strengthen his position and thus have assured it. Spain herself records in her history more revolutions when the press was gagged. What colonies have become independent while they had a free press and enjoyed liberty? Is it preferable to govern blindly or to govern with ample knowledge?
Someone will answer that in colonies with a free press, the prestige of the rulers, that prop of false governments, will be greatly imperiled. We answer that the prestige of the nation is not by abetting and concealing abuses, but by rebuking and punishing them. Moreover, to this prestige is applicable what Napoleon said about great men and their valets. Who endure and know all the false pretensions and petty persecutions of those sham gods, do not need a free press in order to recognize them; they have long ago lost their prestige. The free press is needed by the government, the government which still dreams of the prestige which it builds upon mined ground.
We say the same about the Filipino representatives.
What risks does the government see in them? One of three things, either that they will prove unruly, become political trimmers, or act properly.
Supposing that we should yield to the most absurd pessimism and admit the insult, great for the Philippines but still greater for Spain, that all the representatives would be separatists and that in all their contentions they would advocate separatist ideas; does not a patriotic Spanish majority exist there, is there not present there the vigilance of the governing powers to combat and oppose such intentions? And would not this be better than the discontent that ferments and expands in the secrecy of the home, in the huts and in the field? Certainly the Spanish people does not spare its blood where patriotism is concerned but would not a struggle of principles in parliament be preferable to the exchange of shot in swampy lands, three thousand leagues from home in impenetrable forests, under a burning sun or amid torrential rains? These pacific struggles of ideas, besides being a thermometer for the government, have the advantage of being cheap and glorious, because the Spanish parliament especially abounds in oratorical paladins invincible in debate. Moreover, it is said that the Filipinos are indolent and peaceful -- then what need for government fear? Hasn’t it any influence in the elections? Frankly speaking, it is a great compliment to the separatists to fear them in the midst of the Cortes of the nation.
Now then, if the real objection to the Filipino delegates, is that they smell like Igorots, which so disturbed in open Senate the doughty General Salamanca, then Don Sinibaldo de Mas, who saw the Igorots in person and wanted to live with them, can affirm that they will smell at worst like powder, and Señor Salamanca undoubtedly has no fear of that odor. And if this were all, the Filipinos, who there in their own country are accustomed to bathe every day, when they become representatives may give up such a dirty custom, at least during the legislative session so as not to offend the delicate nostrils of Salamanca with the odor of the bath.
It is useless to answer certain objections of some fine writers regarding the rather brown skins and faces with somewhat wide nostrils. Questions of taste are peculiar to each race. China, for example, which has four hundred million inhabitants and a very ancient civilization, considers all Europeans ugly and calls them “fankwai”, or red devils. Its taste has a hundred million more adherents than the Europeans. Moreover, if this is the question, we would have to admit the inferiority of the Latins, especially the Spaniards, to the Saxons, who are much whiter.
And so long as it is not asserted that the Spanish parliament is an assemblage of Adonises, Antoniuses, pretty boys and other like paragons, so long as the purpose of resorting thither is to legislate and not to philosophize or wonder through imaginary spheres, we maintain that the government ought not to pause at these obligations. Law has no skin nor reason nostrils.
So we see no serious reason why the Philippines may not have representatives. By their institution many malcontents would be silenced, and instead of blaming its troubles upon the government, as now happens, the country would bear them better, for it could at least complain and with its sons among its legislators, would in a way become responsible for their actions.
We are not sure that we serve the true interests of our country by asking for representatives. We know that the lack of enlightenment, the indolence, the egotism, of our fellow countrymen, and the boldness, the cunning and the powerful methods of those who wish their obscurantism, may convert reform into a harmful instrument. But we wish to be loyal to the government and we are pointing out to it the road that appears best to us so that its effort may not come to grief, so that discontent may disappear. If after so just, as well as necessary, a measure has been introduced, the Filipino people are so stupid and weak that they are treacherous to their own interests, then let the responsibility fall upon them, let them suffer all consequences. Every country gets the fate it deserves and the government can say that it has done its duty.
These are the two fundamental reforms, which properly interpreted and applied, will dissipate all clouds, assure affection toward Spain, and make all succeeding reforms fruitful. These are the reforms sine quibus non.
It is puerile to fear that independence may come thorough them. The free press will keep the government in touch with public opinion, and the representatives, if they are, as they ought to be, the best from among the sons of the Philippines, will be their hostages. With no cause for discontent, how then attempt to stir up the masses of the people?
Likewise inadmissible is the obligation offered by some regarding the imperfect culture of the majority of the inhabitants. Aside from the fact that it is not so imperfect as is averred, there is no plausible reason why the ignorant and the defective (whether through their own or another’s fault) should be denied representation to look after them and see that they are not abused. They are the very ones who most need it. No one ceases to be a man, no one forfeits his rights to civilization merely by being more or less uncultured, and since the Filipino is regarded as a fit citizen when he is asked to pay taxes or shed his blood to defend the fatherland why must this fitness be denied him when the question arises of granting him some right? Moreover, how is he to be held responsible for his ignorance, when it is acknowledged by all, friends and enemies that his zeal for learning is so great that even before the coming of the Spaniards every one could read and write, and that we now see the humblest families make enormous sacrifices to the extent of working as servants in order to learn Spanish? How can the country be expected to become enlightened under present conditions when we see all the decrees issued by the government in favor of education meet with Pedro Rezios who prevent execution whereof because they have in their hands what they call education? If the Filipino, then, is sufficiently intelligent to pay taxes, he must also be able to choose and retain the one who looks after him and his interests, with the product whereof he serves the government of his nation. To reason otherwise is to reason stupidly.
When the laws and the acts of officials are kept under surveillance, the word justice may cease to be a colonial jest. The thing that makes the English most respected in their possessions is their strict and speedy justice so that the inhabitants repose entire confidence in the judges. Justice is the foremost virtue of the civilized races. It subdues the barbarous nations, while injustice arouses the weakest.
Offices and trusts should be awarded by competition, publishing the work and the judgment thereon, so that there may be stimulus and that discontent may not be bred. Then, if the native does not shake off his indolence he can not complain when he sees all the offices filled by Castilas.
We presume that it will not be the Spaniard who fears to enter in this contest, for thus will he be able to prove his superiority by the superiority of intelligence. Although this is not the custom in the sovereign country, it should be practiced in the colonies, for the reason that genuine prestige should be sought by means of moral qualities, because the colonizers ought to be, or at least to seem, upright, honest and intelligent, just as a man stimulates virtues when he deals with a stranger. The offices and trusts so earned will do away with arbitrary dismissal and develop employees and officials capable and cognizant of their duties. The offices held by natives, instead of endangering the Spanish domination, will merely serve to assure it, for what interest would they have in converting the sure and stable into the uncertain and problematical? The native is, moreover, very fond of peace and prefers a humble present to a brilliant future. Let the various Filipinos still holding office speak in this matter, they are the most unshaken conservatives.
We could add other minor reforms touching commerce, agriculture, security of the individual and of property, education, and so on, but these are points with which we shall deal in other articles. For the present we are satisfied with the outlines and no one can say that we ask too much.
There will be lacking critics to accuse us of Utopianism: but what is Utopia? Utopia was a country imagined by Thomas Moore, wherein existed universal suffrage, religious toleration, almost complete abolition of the death penalty and so on. When the book was published these things were looked upon as dreams, impossibilities, that is Utopianism. Yet civilization has left the country of Utopia far behind, the human will and conscience have worked greater miracles, have abolished slavery and the death penalty for adultery -- things impossible for even Utopia itself!
The French colonies have their representatives. The question has also been raised in the English parliament of giving representation to the Crown colonies, for the others already enjoy some autonomy. The press there is also free. Only Spain, which in the sixteenth century was the model nation in civilization, lags far behind. Cuba and Puerto Rico, whose inhabitants do not number a third of those of the Philippines, and who have not made such sacrifices for Spain, have numerous representatives. The Philippines in the early days had theirs, who conferred with the King and Pope on the needs of the country. They had them in Spain’s critical moments, when she groaned under the Napoleonic yoke, and they did not take advantage of the sovereign country’s misfortunes like other colonies but tightened more firmly the bonds that united them to be the nation, giving proofs of their loyalty and they continued until many years later. What crime have the Islands committed that they are deprived of their rights?
To recapitulate: the Philippines will remain Spanish if they enter upon the life of law and civilization, if the rights of their inhabitants are respected, if the other rights due them are granted, if the liberal policy of the government is carried out without trickery or meanness, without subterfuges or false interpretations.
Otherwise, if an attempt is made to see in the Islands a lode to be exploited, a resource to satisfy ambitions, thus to relieve the sovereign country of taxes, killing the goose that lays the golden eggs, and shutting its ears to all cries of reasons the, however, great may be the loyalty of the Filipinos, it will be impossible to hinder the operations of the inexorable laws of history. Colonies established to subserve the policy and the commerce of the sovereign country, all eventually become independent said Bachelet, and before Bachelet, all the Phoenician, Carthaginian, Greek, Roman, English, Portuguese, and Spanish colonies have said it.
Close indeed are the bonds that unite us to Spain. Two peoples do not live for three centuries in continual contact, sharing the same lot, shedding their blood on the same fields, holding the same beliefs, worshipping the same God, interchanging the same ideas, but that ties are formed between them stronger than those engendered by affection. Machiavelli, the great reader of the human heart said: la natura degli huomini, e cosi obligarsi pe li beneficii che essi fanno come per quelli che essi ricevono (it is human nature to be bound as much by benefits conferred as by those received). All this, and more, is true but it is pure sentimentality, and in the arena of politics stern necessity and interests prevail. Howsoever much the Filipinos owe Spain, they can not be required to forego their redemption, to have their liberal and enlightened sons wander about in exile from their native land, the rudest aspirations stifled in its atmosphere, the peaceful inhabitants living in constant alarm, with the fortune of the two peoples dependent upon the whim of one man. Spain can not claim, nor even in the name of God himself, that six millions of people should be brutalized, exploited and oppressed, denied light and the rights inherent to a human being and then heap upon them slights and insults. There is no claim of gratitude that can excuse, there is not enough power in the world to justify the offenses against the liberty of the individual, against the sanctity of the home, against the laws, against peace and honor, offenses that are committed three daily. There is no divinity that can proclaim the sacrifice of our dearest affections, the sacrifice of the family, the sacrileges and wrongs that are committed by persons who have the name of God on their lips. No one can require an impossibility of the Filipino people. The noble Spanish people, so jealous of its rights and liberties, cannot bid the Filipinos to renounce theirs. A people that prides itself on the glories of the past cannot ask another, trained by it, to accept abjection and dishonor its own name!
We, who today are struggling by the legal and peaceful means of debate so understand it, and with our gaze fixed upon our ideals, shall not cease to plead our cause, withou t going beyond the pale of the law, but if violence first silences us or we have the misfortune to fall (which is possible for we are mortal) then we do not know what course will be taken by the numerous tendencies that will rush in to occupy the places that we leave vacant.
If what we desire is not realized. . .
In contemplating such an unfortunate eventuality, we must not turn away in horror, and so instead of closing our eyes we will face what the future may bring. For this purpose, after throwing the handful of dust due to Cerberus, let us frankly descend into the abyss and sound its terrible mysteries.
PART FOUR: History does not record in its annals any lasting domination exercised by one people over another, of different races, of diverse usages and customs, of opposite and divergent ideals.
One of the two had to yield and succumb. Either the foreigner was driven out, as happened in the case of Carthaginians, the Moors and the French in Spain, or else these autochthons had to give way and perish, as was the case with the inhabitants of the New World.
One of the longest dominations was that of the Moors in Spain, which lasted seven centuries. But, even though the conquerors lived in the country conquered, even though the Peninsula was broken up into small states, which gradually emerged like little islands in the midst of the great Saracen inundation and in spite of the chivalrous spirit, the gallantry and the religious toleration of the caliphs, they were finally driven out after bloody and stubborn conflicts, which formed the Spanish nation and created the Spain of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.
The existence of a foreign body within another endowed with strength and activity is contrary to all natural and ethical laws. Science teaches us that it is either assimilated, destroys the organism, is eliminated or becomes encysted.
Encystment of a conquering people is possible, for it signifies complete isolation, absolute inertia, and debility in the conquering element. Encystment thus means the tomb of the foreign invader.
Now applying these considerations to the Philippines, we must conclude, as a deduction from all we have said, that if their population be not assimilated to the Spanish nation, if the dominators do not enter into the spirit of their inhabitants, if equitable laws and free and liberal reforms do not make each forget that they belong to different races, or if both peoples be not amalgamated to constitute one mass, socially and politically, homogeneous, that is, not harassed by opposing tendencies and antagonistic ideas and interests some day the Philippines will fatally and infallibly declare themselves independent. To this law of destiny can be opposed neither Spanish patriotism, nor the love of all Filipinos for Spain, not the doubtful future of dismemberment and intestine strife in the Islands themselves. Necessity is the most powerful divinity the world knows, and necessity is the resultant of physical forces set in operation by ethical forces.
We have said and statistics prove that it is impossible to exterminate the Filipino people. And even were it possible what interest would Spain have in the destruction of the inhabitants of a country she can not populate or cultivate, whose climate is to a certain extent disastrous to her? What good would the Philippines be without the Filipinos? Quite otherwise, under her colonial system and the transitory character of the Spanish who go to the colonies, a colony is so much the more useful and productive to her as it possesses inhabitants and wealth. Moreover, in order to destroy the six million Malays, even supposing them to be in their infancy and that they have never learned to fight and defend themselves, Spain would have to sacrifice at least a fourth of her population. This we commend to the notice of the partisans of colonial exploitation.
But nothing of this kind can happen. The menace is that when the education and liberty necessary to human existence are denied by Spain to the Filipinos, then they will seek enlightenment abroad, behind the mother country’s back or they will secure by hook or by crook some advantages in their country with the result that the opposition of purblind and paretic politicians will not only be futile but even prejudicial because it will convert motives for love and gratitude into resentment and hatred.
Hatred and resentment on one side, mistrust and anger on the other, will finally result in a violent terrible collision, especially when there exist elements interested in having disturbances, so that they may get something in the excitement, demonstrates their mighty power, foster lamentations and recriminations, or employ violent measures. It is to be expected that the government will triumph and be generally (as is the custom) severe in punishment, either to teach a stern lesson in order to vaunt its strength or even to revenge upon the vanquished the spells of excitement and terror that the danger caused it. An unavoidable concomitant of those catastrophes is the accumulation of acts of injustice committed against the innocent and peaceful inhabitants. Private reprisals, denunciation, despicable accusations, resentments, covetousness, the opportune moment for calumny, the haste and hurried procedure of the court martials, the pretext of the integrity of the fatherland and the safety of the state, which cloaks and justifies everything, even for scrupulous minds, which unfortunately are still rare and above all the panic-stricken timidity, the cowardice that battens upon the conquered -- all these things augment the severe measures and the number of the victims. The result is that a chasm of blood is then opened between the two peoples that the wounded and the afflicted, instead of becoming fewer, are increased, for to the families and friends of the guilty, who always think the punishment excessive and the judge unjust, must be added the families and friends of the innocent, who see no advantage in living and working submissively and peacefully. Note, too, that if severe measures are dangerous in a nation made up of homogeneous population, the peril is increased a hundred-fold when the government is formed a race different from the governed. In the former an injustice may still be ascribed to one man alone, to a governor actuated by personal malice, and with the death of the tyrant the victim is reconciled to the government of his nation. But in a county dominated by a foreign race, even the most just act of severity is construed as injustice and oppression, because it is ordered by a foreigner, who is unsympathetic or is an enemy of the country, and the offense hurts not only the victim but his entire race, because it is not usually regarded as personal and so the resentment naturally spreads to the whole governing race and does not die out with the offender.
Hence the great prudence and fine tact that should be exercised by colonizing countries, and the fact that government regards the colonies in general and our colonial office in particular, as training schools, contributes notably to the fulfillment of the great law that the colonies sooner or later declare themselves independent.
Such is the descent down which the peoples are precipitated. In proportion as they are bathed in blood and drenched in tears and gall, the colony, if it has any vitality, learns how to struggle and perfect itself in fighting while the mother country whose colonial life depends upon peace and the submission of the subjects, is constantly weakened and even though she makes heroic efforts, as her number is less and she has only a fictitious existence, she finally perishes. She is like the rich voluptuary accustomed to be waited upon by a crowd of servants toiling and planting for him and who on the day his slaves refuse him obedience, as he does not live by his own efforts, must die.
Reprisals, wrongs and suspicions on one part and on the other the sentiment of patriotism and liberty, which is aroused in these incessant conflicts, insurrections and uprisings, operate to generalize the movement and one of the two peoples must succumb. The struggle will be brief, for it will amount to a slavery much more cruel than death for the people and to a dishonorable loss of prestige for the dominator. One of the peoples must succumb.
Spain, from the number of her inhabitants, from the condition of her army and navy, from the distance she is situated from the Islands, from her scanty knowledge of them, and from struggling against a people whose love and goodwill she has alienated, will necessarily have to give way, if she does not wish to risk not only her other possessions and her future in Africa, but also her very independence in Europe. All this is at the cost of bloodshed, and crime, after mortal conflicts, murders, conflagrations, military executions, famine and misery.
The Spaniard is gallant and patriotic, and sacrifices everything in favorable moments, for his country’s good. He has the intrepidity of his bull. The Filipino loves his country no less and although he is quieter, more peaceful and with difficulty stirred up, when he is once aroused he does not hesitate and for him the struggle means death to one or the other combatant. He has all the meekness and all the tenacity and ferocity of his carabao. Climate affects bipeds in the same way that it does quadrupeds.
The terrible lessons and the hard teachings that these conflicts will have afforded the Filipinos will operate to improve and strengthen their ethical nature. The Spain of the fifteenth century was not the Spain of the eighth. With their bitter experience, instead of intestine conflicts of some islands against others, as is generally feared, they will extend mutual support, like shipwrecked persons when they reach an island after a fearful night of storm. Nor may it be said that we shall partake of the fate of the small American republics. They achieved their independence easily and their inhabitants are animated by a different spirit from what the Filipinos are. Besides the danger of falling again into other hands, English or German, for example, will force the Filipinos to be sensible and prudent. Absence of any great preponderance of one race over the others will free their imagination from all mad ambitions of domination, and as they tendency of countries that have been tyrannized over, when they once shake off the yoke, is to adopt the freest government, like a boy leaving school, like the beat of the pendulum or by a law of reaction, the Islands will probably declare themselves a federal republic.
If the Philippines secure their independence after heroic and stubborn conflicts, they can rest assured that neither England or Germany, nor France, and still less Holland will dare to take up what Spain has been unable to hold. Within a few years Africa will completely absorb the attention of the Europeans, and there is no sensible nation which, in order to secure a group of poor and hostile islands, will neglect the immense territory offered by the Dark Continent, untouched, undeveloped and almost undefended. England has enough colonies in the Orient and is not going to sacrifice her Indian Empire for the poor Philippine Islands -- if she had entertained such an intention she would not have restored Manila in 1763, but would have kept some point in the Philippines whence she might gradually expand. Moreover, what need has John Bull the trader to exhaust himself over the Philippines, when he is already lord of the Orient, when he has Singapore, Hong Kong and Shanghai? It is probable the England will look favorably upon the independence of the Philippines, for it will open their ports to her and afford greater freedom to her commerce. Furthermore, there exist in the United Kingdom tendencies and opinions to the effect that she already has too many colonies, that they are harmful, that they greatly weaken the sovereign country.
For the same reasons Germany will not care to run any risk, and because a scattering of her forces and a war in distant countries will endanger her existence on the continent. Thus we see her attitude, as much in the Pacific as in Africa, is confined to conquering easy territory that belongs to nobody. Germany avoids any foreign complications.
France has enough to do and see more of a future in Tongking and China, besides the fact that the French spirit does not shine in zeal for colonization. France loves glory, but the glory and laurels that grow on the battlefields of Europe. The echo from battlefields in the Fear East hardly satisfies her craving for renown, for it reaches her quite faintly. She has also other obligations, both internally and on the continent.
Holland is sensible and will be content to keep the Moluccas and Java. Sumatra offers her a greater future than the Philippines whose seas and coasts have a sinister omen for Dutch expeditions. Holland proceeds with great caution in Sumatra and Borneo, from fear of losing everything.
China will consider herself fortunate if she succeeds in keeping herself intact and is not dismembered or partitioned among the European powers that they are colonizing the continent of Asia.
The same is true with Japan. On the north side she has Russia, who envies and watches her, on the south England, with whom she is in accord even to her official language. She is, moreover, under such diplomatic pressure from Europe that she can not think of outside affairs until she is freed from it, which will not be an easy matter. True it is that she has an excess of population, but Korea attracts her more than the Philippines and is also easier to seize.
Perhaps the great American Republic, whose interests lie in the Pacific and who has no hand in the spoliation of Africa, may dream some day of foreign possession. This is not impossible, for the example is contagious, covetousness and ambition are among the strongest vices, and Harrison manifested something of this sort in the Samoan question. But the Panama Canal is not opened nor the territory of the States congested with inhabitants, and in case she should openly attempt it the European powers would not allow her to proceed, for they know very well that the appetite is sharpened by the first bites. North America would be quite a troublesome rival, if she should once get into the business. Furthermore, this is contrary to her traditions.
Very likely the Philippines will defend with inexpressible valor the liberty secured at the price of so much blood and sacrifice. With the new men that will spring from their soil and with the recollection of their past, they will perhaps strife to enter freely upon the wide road of progress, and all will labor together to strengthen their fatherland, both internally and externally, with the same enthusiasm, with which a youth falls again to tilling the land of his ancestors who long wasted and abandoned through the neglect of those who have withheld it from him. Then the mines will be made to give up their gold for relieving distress, iron for weapons, copper, lead, and coal. Perhaps the country will revive the maritime and mercantile life for which the islanders are fitted by their nature, ability and instincts, and once more free, like the bird that leaves its cage, like the flower that unfolds to the air, will recover the pristine virtues that are gradually dying out and will again become addicted to peace -- cheerful, happy, joyous, hospitable and daring.
These and many other things may come to pass within something like a hundred years, but the most logical prognostication, the prophecy based on the best probabilities, may err through remote and insignificant causes: An octopus that seized Mark Anthony’s ship altered the face of the world; a cross on Calvary and a just man nailed thereon changed the ethics of half the human race, and yet before Christ, how many just men wrongly perished and how many crosses were raised on that hill! The death of the just sanctified his work and made his teaching unanswerable. A sunken road at the battle of Waterloo buried all the glories of two brilliant decades, the whole napoleonic world, and freed Europe. Upon what chance accidents will the destiny of the Philippines depend?
Nevertheless, it is not well to trust to accident, for there is sometimes an imperceptible and incomprehensible logic in the workings of history. Fortunately, peoples as well as governments are subjects to it.
Therefore, we repeat and we will ever repeat, while there is time, and that is better to keep pace with the desire of a people than to give way before them; the former begets sympathy and love, the latter contempt and anger. Since it is necessary to grant six million Filipinos their rights, so that they may be in fact Spaniards, let the government grant these rights freely and spontaneously, without damaging reservations, without irritating mistrust. We shall never tire of repeating this while a ray of hope is left us, for we prefer this unpleasant task to the need of some day saying to the mother country: “Spain, we have sent our youth in serving thy interests in the interests of our country; we have looked to thee, we have expended the whole light of our intellects, all the fervor and enthusiasm of our hearts in working for the good of what was tine, to draw from them a glance of love, a liberal policy and that would assure us the peace of our native land and thy sway over loyal but unfortunate islands! Spain, thou hast remained deaf, and wrapped up in thy pride, hast pursued thy fatal course and accused us of being traitors, merely because we love our country because we tell thee the truth and hate all kinds of injustice. What dost thou wish us to tell our wretched country when it asks about the result of our efforts? Must we say to it that, since for it we have lost everything -- yo
|Distorted lessons from the Philippine-American War||Published July 25, 2008|
Democratic Presidential nominee Barack Obama was touring the Middle East when a well-known columnist for a major US newspaper tried to point the way out of the mess in Iraq by citing lessons from another American military misadventure more than a century ago – in the Philippines.
(Apparently, McKinley did not get a memo telling him that the Philippines was then a staunchly Catholic nation -- another reason for McCain to balk at any close identification with the former president, given his own foreign affairs faux pas like mixing up Sunnis and Shiites and referring to a non-existent Iraq-Pakistan border.)
But Filipinos and Filipino Americans should find Medved's version of the Philippine-American War troubling. "This nearly forgotten conflict deserves renewed attention today since the parallels with our present predicament count as both eerie and illuminating," he writes.
But then Medved recasts the bloody conflict as a war that the United States "stumbled into" but from which emerged a free and happy nation ever so grateful for American generosity and compassion. He cites former President Manuel L. Quezon's famous quote, "Damn the Americans! Why don't they tyrannize us more?"
Medved essentially is asking: Now why in the world can't we do that again in Iraq?
"Our failure to 'tyrannize' our Iraqi allies could similarly destroy the chances of the Islamist terrorists who oppose us," he writes. "The outcome in today's Middle East remains uncertain, but our painful Philippine experience a century ago suggests that a positive result is still possible through a combination of public patience, battlefield brilliance and compassionate determination to provide better lives and freedom to the far-away people who became the war's chief victims."
I nearly choked when I read this for while Medved made a passing reference to water cure, the notorious torture technique the US military used against Filipino independence forces (and used in Iraq under the name "water boarding"), and while he noted that at least 200,000 Filipinos died in the conflict (other historians cite a higher figure), he downplayed the more sordid chapters of the Philippine-American War: the massacres, the brutal military campaigns, the suppression of basic Filipino civil and human rights.
Medved writes that "for the most part, America's volunteer troops maintained high morale, resenting anti-war activists back home because they understood this agitation encouraged the enemy." I suspect "high morale" had nothing to do with what happened in the town of Balangiga, Samar when General Jake Smith told his men to turn the island into a "howling wilderness" so that "even birds could not live there."
"Kill and burn! The more you kill and burn, the better you will please me,"' he ordered. Asked to clarify who the troops' targets were among the population, the general replied: "Everything over 10."
Medved also ignores the blatant racism of US political leaders led by President William Howard Taft, who served as governor-general of the islands, and who called Filipinos "our little brown brothers.''
Then there was the former U.S. superintendent who helped set up an American-style public school system in the Philippines who argued that the Filipinos "are children, and childlike, do not know what is best for them. . . By the very fact of our superiority of civilization and our greater capacity for industrial activity, we are bound to exercise over them a profound social influence.''
Medved's piece reminded me of the now despicable concept of the “white man's burden,” that famous exhortation to Western domination. The phrase was actually coined by British poet Rudyard Kipling during this period in support of the American colonization of the Philippines and other former Spanish colonies. Reading just a part of the poem today would make one cringe.
"Take up the White Man's burden
The great American writer Mark Twain was so horrified by US atrocities in our homeland that he called the $20 million the United States paid for the Philippines an "entrance fee into society -- the Society of Sceptered Thieves."
"The White Man's Burden has been sung,"' Twain wrote. "Who will sing the Brown Man's?"
Twain also once said, "History doesn't repeat itself, but it does rhyme." In his bid to justify an unpopular war in Iraq, Medved came up with a mangled account of a dark chapter in our history that has neither rhyme nor reason.
Copyright 2008 by Benjamin Pimentel
Bay Area journalist Benjamin Pimentel can be reached at www.bpimentel.blogspot.com
|Things to Do Friday!||
13 things to do for June 30
by Mercury Staff
Waterfront Blues Festival
Portland Craft Beer Festival
Animal Collective, Stephen Malkmus
Queer Migration Stories and Panel
Lithics, Tender Age, Mattress, Media Jeweler
Improvisation Summit of Portland 2017
Eat Skull, The Renderers, Woolen Men
Streetlight Manifesto, Jenny Owen Youngs, Ogikubo Station
Senator Ron Wyden Discusses Net Neutrality
Don't forget to check out our Things To Do calendar for even more things to do!
|The challenge of separating signatures of local adaptation from those of isolation by distance and colonization history: The case of two white pines. 2016. Nadeau, S.; Meirmans, P.G.; Aitken, S.N.; Ritland, K.; Isabel, N. Ecol. Evol. 6: 8649–8664.||none|
|Contrasting patterns of genetic diversity across the ranges of Pinus monticola and P. strobus: a comparison between eastern and western North American postglacial colonization histories. 2015. Nadeau, S.; Godbout, J.; Lamothe, M.; Gros-Louis, M.-C.; Isabel, N.; Ritland, K. Am. J. Bot. 102(8) 1342-1355.||none|
|First, they took Manhattan|
Quebec’s slow but steady cultural takeover of Manhattan nears completion. The New Yorker this week devotes four pages to poutine, but for evidence of the full colonization, listen to Calvin…
|The Book of Strange New Things - Michel Faber (2014)|
I first became aware of Michel Faber when the movie adaptation of his novel Under the Skin (2000) emerged in 2013, starring the mesmerizing Scarlett Johansson as an alien lure for hapless humans. I saw the film, which was creepy and beautifully shot, and made a mental note to read the novel. Instead I bought The Book of Strange New Things, lured by its fascinating premise and beautiful cover art (yes, I have a total fetish for book covers - don’t you?). Typically however, it took me two years to get around to reading it, but I’m grateful I finally did. It turned out not to be the book I initially envisioned it to be, but in the end that turned out to not be such a bad (or strange) thing.
The Book of Strange New Things is a curious novel. Initially the novel appears to be set up for an exploration of a weird alien culture that will react to humanity’s presence and religion in unpredictable ways. Set on the alien world of Oasis that has been relatively newly settled by a small population of humans attempting to prepare for eventual colonization in what appears to be the near future (within the next 100 years?). The unhurried narrative centres around Peter Leigh, a Christian pastor who is sent by a faceless corporation called USIC to undertake missionary work, as demanded by the Oasian natives. The aliens are quite taken by Christianity and Peter leaves behind his devoted wife, Bea, to dutifully spread the word of God. The aliens are outre enough, with faces described as looking like two human fetuses side by side, and with no discernible sensory organs to speak of. Their speech (“like fruit being thumbed into two halves”), habits and culture are inscrutable and suitably alien, as is the planet itself, which is mostly featureless except for swirling torrents of rain driven by an atmosphere that drives the humans crazy by delving into every nook and cranny. Faber certainly succeeded in creating a profound alien sense of place, however despite some beautiful descriptions of the alien world and a satisfyingly bizarre alien birth scene, the novel is essentially about humanity itself.
The Book of Strange New Things pays mere lip service to the usual science fiction tropes, instead concerning itself predominantly with relationships. Various plot arcs subtly explore interpersonal relationships, the relationship with the self, and the individuals’ relationship with God. Faber’s exploration of these relationships creates both an investment in the characters story arcs and an appropriately strange compulsion to find out how the novel will unfold. As usual I kept on trying to guess what twists could emerge as the novel progressed, but I was wrong on all counts, but in the end it didn’t matter - the very human heart of the novel was enough. Despite nothing much happening, seemingly most of the time, the novel is absorbing; managing to transcend an often sedate narrative. Undoubtedly this is due to the novel’s great psychological depth, including the aliens themselves, who struggle with the very nature of their existence.
After reading The Book of Strange New Things I happened upon an interview that crystallized just why a novel in which nothing much really happens in terms of drama, action or weird plot twists was ultimately just so absorbing. The novel that Faber initially intended turned out differently because as he began the task of writing his wife was diagnosed with terminal cancer. The novel was profoundly influenced by his relationship with his wife as he cared for her and faced the reality of her passing. At the beginning of the interview he states that he “...wanted this to be saddest thing I’d ever written.” Faber also made clear his intention of retiring from writing, citing the passing of his wife as the demarcation point in his career and life. If it is his last novel then it a worthy farewell, representing a unique take on what it is to be human in what is, essentially, a tragic universe of inevitable loss and irreversible change. If you want a science fiction novel full of the usual tricks then this isn’t the book for you, but if you appreciate the kind of literature that explores profound themes in a subtle manner then you will be well rewarded.
|Exploring North Carolina: African American History|
Exploring North Carolina: African American History
This page gathers resources in NCpedia that cover the history and heritage of African Americans in North Carolina from the colonial era to the present day. It does not include all resources in NCpedia but rather a selection that covers important topics and events, including: biographies; the art and cultural heritage of African Americans in the state; slavery and the ante-bellum era; the struggle for citizenship and civil rights; business and educational leadership; politics; and historic sites and monuments.
All NCpedia articles related to African American History
|Na'lå'la' Concert|| |
Independent Guåhan announces July 4th “Na’lå’la’: Songs of Freedom Concert” at Adelup
For Immediate Release, June 20, 2017 – After the success of the Respect the Chamoru People Rally in April, where more than 600 people gathered to show their support for the rights of the Chamorro people, Independent Guåhan is organizing the first of its “Na’lå’la’: Songs of Freedom Concert” series. This concert will take place on July 4th, 2017 from 2:00 - 5:00 P.M. at Adelup Field, and is free and open to the public.
Independent Guåhan is an organization that is committed to educating the island community about the importance of Guam’s decolonization and the possibilities should it become an independent country. The organization has spent the past year organizing General Assemblies, teach-ins, petition drives, coffee shop conversations, and podcasts. This concert represents another phase in community outreach, using creative performances to inspire the island community to imagine a different future for Guam.
More than a dozen young artists will be performing under the theme of “Music, Poetry, Knowledge and Freedom.” Confirmed performers include Difendi, Patrick Palomo, Shannon McManus, Stacia Guzman, and Matt Sablan. Each performance will connect to the overall theme of freedom, liberation, and working to create a better and more independent future for Guam. This reflects the spirit of “Na’lå’la’” or “to give life” in which the concert series is named. The concert is an expression of our determination to give life to a decolonized future. In addition to the live performances, there will also be informational booths, providing educational materials from various community groups.
This Fourth of July, Independent Guåhan invites the island community to come together to not celebrate the independence of another, but rather reflect on the need for our own decolonization.
|Comment on Maryse Condé: “Colonization was to blame for many crimes” by Maryse Condé: “Colonization was to blame for many crimes” – Caribbean In/Securities: Creativity and Negotiation in the Caribbean (CARISCC)||[…] Source: Maryse Condé: “Colonization was to blame for many crimes” […]|
|August 2015 Highlights||Editor-in-chief Shawn Kennedy and Clinical Editor Betsy Todd present the highlights of the August issue of the American Journal of Nursing. This month’s cover shows a community nurse practicing health education with residents of a small fishing village in rural Uganda.. Our first CE, an original research piece, “‘I Am a Nurse’: Oral Histories of African Nurses,” features oral histories from African nurse leaders who describe what nursing practice and education meant to them during and after periods of colonization in Africa. Our second CE, “Nurses’ Role in Preventing Prescription Opioid Diversion,” highlights the nonmedical use of opioids and how nurses play a critical role in stopping this epidemic of opioid abuse. The clinical feature, “The Evolution of Physical Activity Promotion,” describes how nurses can promote physical activity in their patients, an important health issue that many Americans fall short of. In “Safety Monitor: Misplacements of Enteral Feeding Tubes Increase After Hospitals Switch Brands,” the Pennsylvania Patient Safety Authority reviews cases of misplaced tubes and offers guidance for how nurses can prevent such errors in their own practice. Finally, “Nursing Resources: Vaccine Safety Resources for Nurses,” describes how nurses can teach patients about the importance and safety of vaccines in a time when the public still has many concerns about vaccines. In addition, there’s News, Reflections, Drug Watch, Art of Nursing, and more.|
|Stephen Hawking says humans need to leave earth in 100 years||
Renowned physicist Stephen Hawking says According to Hawking, threats to human survival on earth include climate change, overpopulation, epidemics and asteroid strikes. Hawking told the Oxford University Union Human colonization of Mars is becoming a reality, and billionaire Elon Musk has ...
|Large External Hemroid - About Urinary Tract Infection - Prevention And Treatments||large external hemroid: Urinary tract infection, or UTI, is colonization of microorganisms in the urinary tract in such an amount and such a way that damages or symptoms are produced. When only the urethra and the bladder is affected, it is called lower urinary tract... Large External Hemroid|
|We Can Now Build Biomolecules From Computer Code — No Humans Necessary - Futurism|
|"Moderate" Palestinian intellectuals admit that the goal has always been destroying Israel||I just went through a long article at Al Shabaka, the Palestinian Policy Network, talking about what strategy Palestinians need to use to achieve their goals. It was written by Nadia Hijab and Ingrid Jaradat Gassner.|
Hijab is a senior fellow at the Institute for Palestine Studies and Gassner is one of the founders of BDS.
The actual goals are not spelled out, but it becomes pretty clear what they are - destroying Israel, on both sides of the Green Line.
There is a problem in the debate itself. By focusing on the ultimate settlement and whether it should be one state or two, the discussion too often leapfrogs the need for a process of decolonization as well as reparations for the damage inflicted upon the Palestinians. Decolonization and reparations must be part of the final settlement, whether it is that of a Palestinian state in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) adopted at the Palestinian National Council in 1988 as an expression of the Palestinian right to self-determination, or that of one state in all of the former British Mandate Palestine in which all citizens are equal.Decolonization is not really defined well, but the goals become clear when the writers speak about the Green Line:
Perhaps at the end of the day a just one-state solution will become a reality, and then there will be no need to insist on holding on to the Green Line to ensure that IHL is applied to the OPT. Until then, however, Palestinians must not give up the sources of strength and power they have today. Otherwise, we risk losing the tools offered by IHL and legitimizing the Israeli settlements instead of advancing our cause.
So talking about a two-state solution is a scam - but it is necessary because they believe that they have solid legal grounds to insist on a state in the territories to begin with, based on pressuring Israel on "occupation". But that isn't the goal - it is a stage.
This is a little more explicit here:
A framework of analysis is strategic if it allows Palestinians to make effective use of their available sources of power in a struggle for decolonization and reparations that pursues a set of clear core goals. The question that arises at this point is: What are the Palestinians’ core goals? To date, the “goal” has been largely defined as a sovereign state along the 1967 borders with Israel. Yet referring to what is actually a political settlement as a goal confuses the issue. The Palestinian struggle has always been about Palestinian rights in and to the land of Palestine. The original solution adopted by the Palestine Liberation Organization in the 1960s was that of a secular democratic state in all of Palestine. This was followed in 1974 by a decision on an interim solution for a state in any part of Palestine that was freed, and in 1988 by a decision for a state on the 1967 borders. However, the purpose of all these political solutions was to fulfill Palestinian rights in and to the land of Palestine.
|Beyond the Conventional Wisdom of Development|
Beyond the Conventional Wisdom of Development
Adi Keih College of Arts and Social Sciences
Developing countries across the world are struggling to create a supporting environment for development. Policies and strategies were designed, steps to implement were initiated, promises were made and hopes were raised. The people of developing countries were on ground prostrated while the global wheel of wealth was licked by the few “special people”. Good intentions failed to materialize for two reasons: government inability to govern and international structures. For many reasons, industrialized nations didn’t allow developing nations to do what they did during their catch-up period. Here are some substantive facts that the developed countries employed to get rich but did not allow to be emulated by developing countries.
Western civilization was the result of prolonged and pervasive military competition. The military spearheaded all of the technological and scientific innovations in the catch-up period of development of the now industrialized countries. In the past, the existence of a formidable and robust military laid conducive ground for industrialization and militarization. But as time heals wounds so time does thwart historical facts. When the new world order was inaugurated, military was conceived as destructive to national wealth. Countries were instructed and some times prescribed to demilitarize and countries with a strong military were viewed as “rogue states”. Rogue state was a term used to describe states that do not regard themselves as bound by international norms (Chomsky 2000: 1). According to this definition, most if not all powerful states fall into this category. Therefore developing countries, especially in the turbulent regions such as Horn of Africa and elsewhere, cannot modernize without having a strong military providing security, protecting national interest and gaining confidence to formulate and experiment proactive policy.
Military force dictates other means of power. The state with superior military force will prevail and develop. If the security of a state falls in jeopardy there is no room to think about development. Therefore, force is ultimately necessary to guarantee survival and to create a favorable environment for development. In Africa, particularly in the Horn of Africa, military power is central in the national power of a state.
For the last 200 years every superpower has tried to create a world in its image, forcing the world community to repeat what has been said by the ‘special’ and above all worked hard to kill the ability to think and destroy originality. Currently, there is great pressure on developing countries from the developed countries, to adopt a set of “good policies” which are incompatible with their local conditions. Developing countries were ill advised to open up their doors and to liberalize their market. Free trade and development were presented as two sides of the same coin. President Donald Trump has said unusual statement in his inaugural speech:
“Every decision on trade, on taxes, on immigration, on foreign affairs, will be made to benefit American workers and American families. We must protect our borders from the ravages of other countries making our products, stealing our companies, and destroying our jobs. Protection will lead to great prosperity and strength.”
Despite the fact that developed countries reached the top by formulating policies mirroring their particular conditions and levels of development, they now downplayed the importance of domestic policies and resources in fostering development. Instead of helping developing countries reach their development aspirations, they fool them by suggesting and forcing irrelevant policies, threatening, setting unfavorable trade terms, promoting aid that cultivates dependency and debt. Ha - Joon Chang described the inconsistency between historical facts and today’s conventional wisdom by the phrase “kicking away the ladder”. In his article and book “Kicking Away the Ladder: Infant Industry Promotion in Historic Perspective” he cites Friedrich List,
“It is a very common clever device that when anyone has attained the summit of greatness, he kicks away the ladder by which he has climbed up, in order to deprive others of the means of climbing up after him” (Chang 2003: 24).
The historical portrait is clear. There is no medicine that cures all diseases and there is no size that fits all. The medical knowledge of a doctor alone cannot cure a patient, unless he pays credit to the patient’s information and hears all they have to say. The industrialized world’s prescription, instead of bringing solutions, has actually worsened the existing condition. Instead of allowing developing countries to make informed choices and to adopt the policies that are more suitable to their stages of development, they were pressured to receive instructions from above. The obvious solution to this paradox is developing countries must develop independent political line and pursue policies that are good for them.
Another concept that corrupts with the passage of time is human rights. The present developed countries in their way to reach the stage where they are now, have committed untold human rights violation. Slavery, child labour, non-stop working hours, forced labour, colonization and more were institutionalized until recently in all of the industrialized nations. Women were not considered as full citizens in Europe and America until only very recently. This is not to say history has to repeat itself (and of course no one wishes to adopt all the abusive and immoral actions), but to pinpoint the historical facts that all of the democratic and industrialized nations used the opposite strategy to become rich and to develop democracy. We have to understand that all of the countries that now act as if they were born rich and democratic were, at times, poor and aggressive. History confirms that no democracy arrived before industrialization or modernization of a state. The theater of electoral democracy played by all third world governments was like what Francis Fukuyama described as ‘isomorphic mimicry’ - copying the outward forms of developed countries (Digest 85, 2016: 27).
The inherent aggressive behavior of developed countries was manifested during the two great world wars and wars of aggression after the cold war. Illegal military actions were disguised under the cloak of humanitarian intervention, a war on terror, self-defense, and anticipatory self-defense. Anticipatory self-defense for instance, refers to the right of USA to attack a country that it thinks could attack it first. Among the amazing incidents of the 21st century falling into this category are USA military aggression in Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya.
The USA, as a global leader, appeared as a prophet of transparency and democracy before the international community. It is true that knowledge is power, and transparency is the remedy to the darkness under which abuse thrives. Democracy depends on a knowledgeable citizenry whose access to a broad range of information enables them to participate fully in public life (Neuman 2002: 5). America is however, a nation engaged in hunting Edward Snowden and Julian Assange in day light for acts of informing the general public. So where has been the access that is necessary for the realization of the basic rights to freedom of opinion and expression that are guaranteed? The world is lectured frequently by the USA about how to behave. Brian Cloughley in his article titled “Wars, Killings and Lectures by the Greatest Nation Ever Created” came up with a fact that the prison population rate of the US is 716 per 100,000 people. He further includes the testimonial statement of the defeated presidential candidate Hilary Clinton, “It’s a stark fact that the United States has less than 5 percent of the world’s population, yet we have almost 25 percent of the world’s total prison population”. The barefaced USA, however, continues to wage war, kill and lecture other nations on how to behave.
Another slandered concept is self-reliance. The "elite" of the international system are engaged in teaching the world that self-reliance is dead and useless. Governments pursuing self-reliant projects and independent political lines are conceived as a threat to global peace and security. Self-reliance is not to disregard collaboration and assistance but to prioritize and mobilize internal resources to advance development. The reason that Eritrea, a small, young, low-income country was always observed by the eyes of world powers was its policy of self-reliance, and little else. Eritrea was stoned by accusations merely for its confidence and responsive attitude to internal demands. Quite unique from the broader African context, regardless of its form and procedure, Eritrea seeks to focus on representing public interests and has worked to satisfy popular expectations. Eritrean is guided and ordered by the rhythm of the country’s objective reality. Eritrean seeks to be able to deliver basic social services, enforce laws and maintain peace and security.
In all western industrialized countries national identity formation, state building, industrialization, institutionalization and democratization were done separately in different periods. Developing countries however, are ordered to answer all those assignments at once which perplexed them.
At last, it is paramount to understand the discrepancy between historical reality and the conventional wisdom of development, between the practice and rhetoric. In order for good ideas to produce good results, a good and enabling environment must be created in advance. We also have to understand that although emulation is important, evolution of ideas is more important.
|Diversity vs. Division||I did not watch the Super Bowl this past weekend. I can honestly say that I haven't seen a moment of the game -- not even a highlight of the game shown afterward. So, I didn't know about Coca Cola's "America the Beautiful" commercial until folks started to talk about it after the game ended. When I heard about it, I watched the commercial.|
Predictably, a number of folks took to places such as Twitter to voice displeasure that parts of "America the Beautiful" were sung in languages other than English during the commercial. Fortunately, it appears that even more people called out the English-only folks for the problematic aspects of what they were saying. Perhaps just as predictably, a number of political pundits, including Rush Limbaugh, Laura Ingraham, and Glenn Beck, voiced their opposition to the commercial. Among these, Beck suggested that the commercial was divisive because it set up a dichotomy in which either one is in favor of particular immigration policies or one is racist.
Honestly, though the immigration reading of the commercial is certainly there to be had, I hadn't even connected the commercial to immigration until I read Beck's comments. To me, it came across as a commercial that reflected the diversity of cultures -- and with that the diversity of languages -- that constitute the United States of America and have constituted the country since before it even became a country. We are not a country of one language, and democracy would compel us not to be a country of one language, for reasons I have explained before on this blog. As I explained in that blog post, there are elements of racism built into English-only perspectives and policies. The kind of diversity represented in having "America the Beautiful" sung in multiple languages can help to facilitate unity rather than divisiveness within democracy because it represents inclusion of multiple voices and the multiplicity of perspectives that those voices represent.
When I hear folks such as Beck argue that the Coke commercial is divisive, it rings as the same tone as what I heard from Beck's fellow conservative commentator, Sean Hannity, this summer when he responded to President Obama's speech about the George Zimmerman-Trayvon Martin verdict. I was travelling by car on the day that Obama made that speech, and as I was flipping through radio stations, I heard Hannity say that Obama had a chance to promote unity but that Obama's comments had been divisive. Yet, when I subsequently listened to Obama's speech, it seemed to reflect quite the opposite of what Hannity said. Obama attempted to address and incorporate both the perspectives of those who were disappointed in the verdict and the perspectives of those who agreed with the verdict. Similarly, Obama's comments attempted to address and incorporate the perspectives of many African-American communities who felt that the case reflected histories of failures of U.S. institutions to provide justice to African Americans as well as the perspectives of other communities, such as many white communities, who felt that the verdict represented a system of justice working effectively. The ability to address and incorporate alternate and even opposing perspectives is fundamental to a functioning democracy, yet the likes of Hannity were dissatisfied because Obama's comments included not only their perspectives, but also perspectives different from theirs. Hannity's comments thus reflect an exclusionary perspective that works against democracy, and the suggestion that portraying multiple languages in connection with U.S. identity is divisive does the same.
In the end, comments such as Hannity's about Obama's speech and Beck's about Coca Cola's commercial reinforce the power of privilege. They call for unity built around privilege, wherein oppressed folks are asked to conform to an empowered culture and its perspectives. I say this recognizing that neither the Obama administration nor the Coca Cola company is some kind of pure defender of social justice and democracy. Far from it. Indeed, incorporation of surface-level diversity can often serve as a kind of smoke screen that hides deeper forms of oppression. In the case of Coca Cola, we might argue that the incorporation of multiple languages and cultures serves a kind of colonizing interest, hailing various folks to become consumers of this transnational company's products and thus increasing the company's global influence and power without real attention to the political, economic, and social conditions of need of the folks whom the company is hailing.
Yet, the kinds of comments about the incorporation of diverse perspectives offered by the likes of Hannity and Beck not only don't serve as a necessary resistance to such transnational influence and power; they advocate a form of colonization themselves, asserting the power of particular cultures and perspectives to dominate others. As my wife very eloquently put it, diversity does not equal division. She's right, and while that doesn't mean that Coke is an exemplar of standing for democracy, the sentiment of Coke's Super Bowl commercial does reflect democracy in action in a way that the commercial's detractors fail to do.
|Reverse Foreign Aid: Important issues with incomplete explanation. "According to the United Nations, in 2006 the net transfer of capital from poorer countries to rich ones was $784 billion, up from $229 billion in 2002. (In 1997, the balance was even.)" Reasons:|
|I'm the son of a geographer teacher afterall...|
My Dad spent his career teaching Afro-Asian geography in Niskayuna, NY which I learned today means "Land of Much Corn". This entry is for Dad and anyone else who is interested in learning some facts about Zambia. Our trip will take us to Ndola where we will teach our sanitation classes.
Zambia is a landlocked country in southern Africa, with a tropical climate and consists mostly of high plateau with some hills and mountains. At 752,614 sq. km (290,566 sq. mi.) it is the 39th-largest country in the world (after Chile) and slightly larger than the US state of Texas. Zambia is drained by two major river basins: the Zambezi River basin, in the south; and the Congo River basin, in the north.
The official language is English (a remnant from British colonization), used to conduct official business and is the medium of instruction in schools. There are seven commonly-spoken indigenous languages including: Chibemba, Chinyanja, Lunda, Chitonga, Kaonde, Silozi and Luvale. These 7 languages are taught in schools and broadcast on national radio and television. There are many more languages spoken by the various tribes in Zambia, in fact a Zambian languages website lists 78 languages.
The country is 44% urban. Most rural Zambians are subsistence farmers. The predominant faith is Christianity which is also the official national religion. Expatriates, mostly British (about 15,000) or South African, live mainly in Lusaka and in the Copperbelt in northern Zambia, where they are employed in mines and related activities. Zambia also has a small but very economically important Asian population, most of whom are Indians. In recent years over three hundred dispossessed white farmers left Zimbabwe at the invitation of the Zambian government and have taken up farming in the southern region.
The HIV/AIDS epidemic is ravaging Zambia. Nearly one million Zambians are HIV positive or have AIDS. An estimated 100,000 died of the epidemic in 2004. Over a half-million Zambian children have been orphaned. Life expectancy at birth is just under 40 years
Ndola is the second-largest city in Zambia, with a population of 374,757 (2000 census). It is the industrial, commercial, administrative and distribution hub of the Copperbelt, Zambia's copper-mining region, and capital of Copperbelt Province. Ndola was founded in 1904, just six months after Livingstone, making it the second oldest colonial-era town of Zambia. It was started as a boma and trading post, which laid its foundations as an administrative and trading centre today.
Ndola is the industrial center of Zambia and part of the Copperbelt province which is very rich in mineral deposits. It was the backbone of the Northern Rhodesian economy during British colonial rule, but its economic importance was severely damaged by a crash in global copper prices in 1973 and the nationalization of the copper mines by the government of Kenneth Kaunda. There are no mines in Ndola itself but the Bwana Mkubwa open-cast mine is only 10 km south-east of the city centre. Copper and precious metals used to be brought from elsewhere in the Copperbelt for processing at the Ndola Copper and Precious Metals Refinery. Copper exports provide 70–80% of Zambia's export earnings, making the city very important to the country's economy. The Indeni Oil Refinery in Ndola supplies the whole country, and was repaired in 2001 after being severely damaged by fire in 1999. Ndola is home to one of the country's national newspapers, The Times of Zambia.
|We Can Now Build Biomolecules From Computer Code — No Humans Necessary - Futurism|
|The emerging British Verticillium longisporum population consists of aggressive Brassica pathogens.||
The emerging British Verticillium longisporum population consists of aggressive Brassica pathogens.
Phytopathology. 2017 Jun 27;:
Authors: Depotter J, Rodriguez-Moreno L, Thomma BP, Wood T
PMID: 28653577 [PubMed - as supplied by publisher]
|Tic-Talk Tonight: Lonnie Grant|| Welcome to the newest edition of Tic-Talk, the transcript that follows is the full interview as conducted by Indira Nooyi with our guest interviewee, Lonnie Grant, captain of the Voyager. Interview was carried out on the planet Cascom in the Castra system on 2947-03-12.
Indira Nooyi(IN): Good evening and welcome to another edition of Tic-Talk, I’m your host for the evening Indira Nooyi and with me tonight is the captain and pilot of a Freelancer DUR named Voyager. Thank you for joining me tonight, Mr. Grant.
Lonnie Grant (LG): Thank you for having me on Indira. I love your show.
IN: Thank you. Now Mr. Grant, you just recently discovered a new jump point, would you please tell our viewing audience a little bit about how you came to discover it.
LG: Well you see Indira… it wasn’t really the most clever way to discover a jump point. It occurred to me that for the size of the system, Castra has an inordinate number of jump points… I think there were 5. It occurred to me that this concentration might be significant so I started scouring the outer rim of the system with my scanners. After a few days I got a hit on my jump scanners.
IN: And upon closer investigation you found this new jump point, correct?
LG: Yeah… it took me awhile to triangulate it but eventually I got close enough and she just opened up in front of me. They’re a beautiful sight, jump points. They’re all different… have their own character.
IN: Did you immediately travel through it following discovery?
LG: It’s always a nervous thing, you know? Plenty of explorers have vanished forever after attempting a new jump point. I guess that’s a long way of saying that I took some time... Wrote out messages for my family and friends and left them in a buoy before I ventured inside.
IN: And what did you find on the other side?
LG: Well first of all, this particular jump was pleasantly simple to navigate. Some of them can be really nasty. Either way, on the far side I discovered a red dwarf star with 4 major worlds orbiting, along with many other smaller worlds of course.
IN: A brand new system then?
LG: Yes! This is a fresh jump.
IN: So, with that being said this opens up several possibilities to you. What do you see yourself doing with the jump point coordinates? Are you considering selling them to the military or off to a scientific research facility maybe?
LG: My plan is to sell the coordinates to the UEE’s exploration and colonization division, and then return to the system to continue my work exploring the worlds it holds. There’s a lot to learn!
IN: That would make you a very rich man, Mr. Grant. Why continue to work and explore when you could retire and live the rest of your life in ease and comfort?
LG: Honestly for most explorers… there’s a drive to keep pushing the edge of our knowledge and it doesn’t go away with a full bank account. I will always be most at home on the fringes, searching for the next horizon. Might have to update some of my equipment though!
IN: Indeed and you will have the funds to do it. With this being a new system, I know that there is always a push to find new habitable worlds for humanity to colonize. Does this new system have anything that sets it apart from the rest?
LG: So this is kind of interesting… This is a tiny star so the worlds orbit close. One appears too close, probably too hot. The furthest planet seems outside the habitable zone… although perhaps some extremophiles could live there. Once again though this is the long way of saying that the middle two planets appear habitable. One is about the size of Earth and has large oceans covering about 80% of its surface. The other one is smaller, about the size of Mars, and has limited water - maybe 20% ocean - but appears to support abundant life regardless. I haven’t taken any detailed scans yet… the new equipment would be right up that alley - help me get better quality scans.
IN: So, at least two habitable worlds, your find might be more valuable then you consider it to be. If people were to move there today, what would they be calling this system? Do you plan to name it or leave that up to the scientists?
LG: Well Indira, you have to understand that it is rare in an explorer’s career that they find anything of really major value. Comets, lucrative asteroids, small black holes… these are common place and enough to keep you going but new star systems are really the dream. I have thought of a name and I will be submitting it, with your approval. I do love your show, so I was going to name the system Indira.
IN: Wow, I don’t know what to say, Mr. Grant. I’m very flattered. I only hope that whatever name you choose does the system justice. Sounds like you’ve found yourself a small little paradise. I sincerely wish you luck on your next adventure and again thank you for joining me tonight and sharing your story. Maybe it will inspire the next generation of explorers to go out there and find their own jump point. I’m Indira Nooyi and this has been another edition of Tic-Talk, thanks for joining us and see you next week. |
|US returns looted royal seals to S.Korea||SEOUL: South Korean President Moon Jae-In is returning from an official visit to Washington with two ancient royal seals looted during the Korean War, reports said Saturday.|
The repatriation of the Chosun dynasty antiques, dating from the 16th and 17th centuries, comes after years of campaigning by the South Korean government, which said they were stolen during the turbulent 1950-53 war.
Moon received the seals during a ceremony in Washington during a visit to the US Friday and was due to arrive in South Korea with them on Sunday, Yonhap news agency said.
The Chosun dynasty, who cultivated a ruling philosophy drawn from Confucianism, governed from 1392 to 1910, when Japan colonized the country.
One of the seals was made in 1547 to honor Queen Munjeong (1501-1565), the third wife of Chosun Dynasty's 11th king, Jungjong.
The other is a jade block created in 1651 to commemorate the installation of the crown prince of King Hyojong.
They were seized by US authorities in 2013 after Seoul clarified these were stolen items.
It marked the third time that Washington has returned South Korean treasures.
In 2013 the United States sent back Korea's first money printing block made in late 19th century and the following year, it handed back nine royal seals.
Tens of thousands of old Korean cultural items were spirited abroad during Japan's colonization of Korea from 1910-45 and the Korean War. — AFP
|Origins of my gaming hobby|
I’m not going to make excuses about my long absence from posting here, it’s been… what? 5 months? Even VGCats is updating more than me (HAR HAR). It’s probably inexcusable to the majority of you but many things have been going on in my life, as well as the coming of exams. But the main thing is probably the dying of my passion to post. More likely than not, you saw that in the last few posts that I did. It was new and exciting at first, but eventually it become a chore.
Anyway, I digress. The blog is probably going to become a place to output my creativity whenever I want to so posting will not be frequent.
I spent a night over at my uncle’s the other day. And some of you may or may not know this, but my uncle was probably the reason I’m such a gamer now. I recall nights when we would be huddled round a screen together playing some new fantastical game that he had bought. We would stay up until very late (and I mean very late, especially considering how old I was).
But now, he’s in his mid-30s (I think), married and has 3 kids. He doesn’t really have time to game anymore and it’s sort of depressing to see, he’s reduced to playing only in the wee hours of the morning. And even then, it’s only every other day at most. Not to mention the mid-range rig he sports is in his children’s room, so he has to play quietly. Quite unlike the days of yore, when we would scream and shout at our epic wins.
He’s also been reduced to buy only from bargain bins, for obvious reasons, so the majority of the games he plays aren’t particularly great and I don’t really have the heart to tell him. It’s upsetting to see someone who use to be at the forefront of gaming to lag behind so much. The latest game he bought was “The Spiderwick Chronicles” for the PC. And no, I’m not joking. Luckily for him (and me), it didn’t work on his computer and neither on my laptop. But he looked genuinely sad that the latest game he bought didn’t work, and it felt like someone tore out my heart and replaced it with a cold hard stone.
Don’t think that it’s all bad though. His gaming collection is still massive, he has tons of games from yesteryear, and quite a few are real gems. I decided to browse through his gargantuan collection and here are a few of the games I found:
>Rome Total War
>Shogun Total War (two of them in fact)
>Civilisation 1,2, 3 & 4
>Quake 1 & 2
>Dune 1,2 & 3
>Star Wars: KOTOR
>Quite a few old-skool Lucas Arts click & point adventures
>Games from the Thief series
>Typing of the Dead – no, I’m not kidding
>Age of Empires 1 & 2
>Games from the Alone in the Dark series
>Clive Barker’s Undying
And the list goes on. I could probably sit here until the end of time just listing his games but I have better things to do (like revising for the 2 exams I have on Monday), there’s still some duds in his collection but that just makes it all the better. Currently I think he’s playing a game called: “Imperial Glory” as well as some other games.
Anyway, this post was mainly to show you one reason that I’m such a big gamer now (although it’s one of the primary reasons, it’s not the only one). Seeing as how my uncle is now, it seems like somewhere along the lines I deviated from him as I only really play console games now – I occasionally play PC games. A far cry from way back when, where I would only play exclusively on the PC. I guess part of the reason is the cost necessary to keep up with the latest specs to play the newest games but also console exclusivity – like Nintendo games etc.
I’m just wondering what I’d be like at his age. Would I still be gaming? Would I only get to game after in the early hours of the morning? Would I only be playing on the PC?
There’s so many questions that I could ask. But I won’t know the answers to until I actually get there. At least I should have a good time getting there. If all goes well, I’ll be gaming through university and after that. I don’t see me dropping my gaming
Maybe when I’m my uncle’s age I could be gaming with my children, who knows what tomorrow will bring? That’s what makes life so exciting.
Currently playing: Left 4 Dead
Looking forward to: Prototype
As I said, I have no idea when my next post will come. It may come tomorrow, next week or another 5 months later. It’ll come when I feel the urge to write again. Until then: ciao.
[EDIT] As a note, I don’t mind if any of you guys add me on XBL. Maybe we could play some L4D/GTA IV/Halo 3 together. Just make sure you state that you know me through the blog.
|Hemorrhoids - About Urinary Tract Infection - Prevention And Treatments||Hemorrhoids: Urinary tract infection, or UTI, is colonization of microorganisms in the urinary tract in such an amount and such a way that damages or symptoms are produced. When only the urethra and the bladder is affected, it is called lower urinary tract... Hemorrhoids|
|VIDEO: Taylor Mac Performs 'Amazing Grace' in the Streets of San Francisco; Tickets for Curran Run on Sale Next Week!|
The Curran and Stanford Live at Stanford University, in association with Magic Theatre and Pomegranate Arts, announced today tickets for Taylor Mac's groundbreaking performance art concert A 24-DECADE HISTORY OF POPULAR MUSIC, will go on sale to the general public on Tuesday, July 4th at 10:00am PT. Tickets can be purchased at SFCURRAN.com/shows/taylor-mac or by calling 415-358-1220.
The concert has been reworked into four six-hour Chapters, with performances at the Curran (445 Geary Street) on Friday, September 15, at 5pm; Sunday, September 17, at 2pm; Friday, September 22, at 5pm; and Sunday, September 24 at 2pm.
Ahead of the highly anticipated production, the Curran has released a music video of Taylor Mac performing "Amazing Grace" from A 24-DECADE HISTORY OF POPULAR MUSIC. The video was filmed on the streets of San Francisco and at the newly renovated Curran. The 'cast' in the video is entirely made up of Bay Area residents who responded to an open casting call, showing up in their favorite decade-inspired wear. It gives viewers an opportunity to hear a song from the concert, as well as experiencing a look at Taylor Mac's world. Check it out below!
A 24-DECADE HISTORY OF POPULAR MUSIC will be performed in its entirety for the first time since the historic 24-hour marathon performance at Brooklyn's St. Ann's Warehouse last fall. Over four performances, audience members can experience Mac's pièce de résistance.
A 24-DECADE HISTORY OF POPULAR MUSIC is Mac's multi-year effort to chart a subjective history of the United States through 246 songs that were popular throughout the country, and in its disparate communities, from 1776 to the present day. In performing the work, Mac is joined by an orchestra-led by Music Director Matt Ray, who created new arrangements of all 246 songs-plus an ensemble of "Dandy Minions" and a variety of local special guests, including members of the audience cast as colonial needleworkers, World War I soldiers and Yum Yum from The Mikado. Costume designer Machine Dazzle, a longtime Mac collaborator, has handmade an outrageously imaginative, world-unto-itself costume specific to each decade.
A 24-DECADE HISTORY OF POPULAR MUSIC recently won the 2017 Edward M. Kennedy Award for Drama inspired by American History and was a 2017 Pulitzer Prize Finalist for Drama, in addition to being included on an unprecedented three New York Times "Best of..." lists in 2016: Performance, Theater and Classical Music.
The performances at the Curran are:
Friday, September 15 at 5pm (Chapter I: 1776-1836): The American Revolution from the perspective of the yankee doodle dandy, the early woman's lib movement, an epic battle between drinking songs and early temperance songs, a dream sequence where the audience is blindfolded and the heteronormative narrative as colonization.
Sunday, September 17 at 2pm (Chapter II: 1836-1896): Walt Whitman and Stephen Foster go head to head for the title of Father of the American Song, culminating in the queerest Civil War Reenactment in history. Oh, and: a production of The Mikado set on Mars.
Friday, September 22 at 5pm (Chapter III: 1896-1956): A Jewish tenement, a WWI trench, a speakeasy, a depression, a zoot suit riot all make the white people flee the cities.
Sunday, September 24 at 2pm (Chapter IV: 1956-the present): Bayard Rustin's March on Washington leads to a queer riot, sexual deviance as revolution, radical lesbians, and a community building itself while under siege.
A 24-DECADE HISTORY OF POPULAR MUSIC is Created, Written, Performed and Co-Directed by Taylor Mac, with Co-Direction by Niegel Smith, Music Direction/Arrangements by Matt Ray, Costume Design by Machine Dazzle, Dramaturgy by Jocelyn Clarke, Scenic Design by Mimi Lien, Lighting Design by John Torres. A 24-DECADE HISTORY OF POPULAR MUSIC is produced by Pomegranate Arts and Mac's company Nature's Darlings.
This engagement marks a special partnership between the Curran and Stanford Live. Prior to the Curran presentation, Stanford will host Mac and other members of the creative team in a creative residency on campus. As part of the University's Arts Intensive Program, students will help prepare various elements of the production and then will have the opportunity to participate in both the San Francisco and Stanford performances, either on stage as "Dandy Minions" or as part of the backstage crew.
A special three-hour abridged version of A 24-DECADE HISTORY OF POPULAR MUSIC will be presented at Stanford University's Bing Concert Hall (327 Lasuen Street, Stanford, CA 94305) on Wednesday, September 27, at 7:30pm.
Taylor Mac's A 24-DECADE HISTORY OF POPULAR MUSIC will be the fourth event at the Curran in 2017, opening first with the Tony Award-winning musical FUN HOME in January, which was followed by the critically acclaimed plays ECLIPSED in March and THE ENCOUNTER in April.
A 24-DECADE HISTORY OF POPULAR MUSIC is commissioned in part by Carole Shorenstein Hays, the Curran SF; Stanford Live at Stanford University; ASU Gammage at Arizona State University; Belfast International Arts Festival and 14 - 18 NOW WW1 Centenary Art; Carolina Performing Arts, at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill; Center for the Art of Performance at UCLA; Hancher Auditorium at the University of Iowa; Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts; Melbourne Festival; Museum of Contemporary Art Chicago; International Festival of Arts & Ideas (New Haven); New York Live Arts; OZ Arts Nashville; University Musical Society of the University of Michigan. This work was developed with the support of the Park Avenue Armory residency program, MASS MoCa (Massachusetts Museum of Contemporary Art), New York Stage and Film & Vassar's Powerhouse Theater, SPACE at Ryder Farm, and the 2015 Sundance Institute Theatre Lab at the Sundance Resort with continuing post-lab dramaturgical support through its initiative with the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation. A 24-DECADE HISTORY OF POPULAR MUSIC was made possible with funding by the New England Foundation for the Arts' National Theater Project, with lead funding from The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation.
Taylor Mac (who uses "judy," lowercase sic, not as a name but as a gender pronoun) is a playwright, actor, singer-songwriter, performance artist, director and producer. "A critical darling of the New York scene" (New York Magazine), judy's work has been performed at New York City's Lincoln Center, The Public Theatre and Playwrights Horizons, London's Hackney Empire, Los Angeles's Royce Hall, Minneapolis's Guthrie Theater, Chicago's Steppenwolf Theatre, the Sydney Opera House, Boston's American Repertory Theatre, Stockholm's Sodra Theatern, the Spoleto Festival, San Francisco's Curran theater and MOMA, and literally hundreds of other theaters, museums, music halls, opera houses, cabarets, and festivals around the globe. Judy is the author of seventeen full-length plays and performance pieces including A 24-DECADE HISTORY OF POPULAR MUSIC (2017 Pulitzer Prize Finalist for Drama, Kennedy Prize in Drama), Hir (placed on the top ten theater of 2015 lists of The New York Times, New York Magazine, and Time Out NY; published by North Western University Press and in American Theater Magazine), The Lily's Revenge (Obie Award), The Walk Across America for Mother Earth (named One of the Best Plays of 2011 by The New York Times), The Young Ladies Of (Chicago's Jeff Award nomination for best solo), Red Tide Blooming (Ethyl Eichelberger Award), and The Be(a)st of Taylor Mac (Edinburgh Festival's Herald Angel Award). Recent acting roles include Shen Teh/Shui Ta in The Foundry Theater's production of Good Person of Szechwan at La Mama and The Public Theater (for which judy received Lucille Lortel and Drama League Award nominations), Puck/Egeus in the Classic Stage Company's A Midsummer's Night Dream, the title role in various productions of judy's play, The Lily's Revenge, and opposite Mandy Patinkin in the two-man vaudeville, The Last Two People On Earth, directed by Susan Stroman. Mac is currently creating a Dionysia Festival of four original plays (to be premiered separately and eventually performed in repertory), which deal in some way with our cultural polarization and that include: an all-ages play called, The Fre (commissioned by the Children's Theater Company in Minneapolis, premiere date TBD); a kitchen-sink tragedy named, Hir (which received its world premiere at the Magic Theater in Feb 2014); a dance-theater play, The Bourgeois Oligarch, and a music theatre debate regarding small and large government, set inside an Ezra Pound poem, in the subconscious of Clarence Thomas, during a Supreme Court Hearing. Mac is the recipient of multiple awards including the Edward M. Kennedy Prize for Drama Inspired by American History, Doris Duke Performing Artist Award, a Guggenheim Award, the Herb Alpert Award in Theater, the Peter Zeisler Memorial Award, the Helen Merrill Playwriting Award and an Obie. An alumnus of New Dramatists judy is currently a New York Theater Workshop Usual Suspect and the Resident playwright at the HERE Arts Center.
Built in 1922, the Curran has housed some of the most important productions in history and has maintained a reputation over the course of its life as one of the greatest venues in North America. Now, nearly 100 years after it welcomed its first Bay Area audiences, the Curran is newly restored and renovated. Under the curation of eight-time Tony Award winner Carole Shorenstein Hays, the Curran has reopened its 1,600-seat venue as a home for the most exciting stage works being conceived and created anywhere in the world.
Stanford Live presents a wide range of the finest performances from around the world fostering a vibrant learning community and providing distinctive experiences through the performing arts. With its home at Bing Concert Hall, Stanford Live is simultaneously a public square, a sanctuary, and a lab, drawing on the breadth and depth of Stanford University to connect performance to the significant issues, ideas, and discoveries of our time. Stanford Live includes a wealth of collaborators and partners, including Stanford academic departments and individual faculty members, Stanford students, off-campus arts institutions, and community organizations. Crucially, Stanford Live supports the university's focus on placing the arts at the heart of a Stanford education.
Founded by Linda Brumbach in 1998, Pomegranate Arts is an independent Production Company based in New York City dedicated to the development of international performing arts projects. As a creative producing team, Pomegranate Arts works in close collaboration with contemporary artists and arts institutions to bring bold and ambitious artistic ideas to fruition. With a hands-on approach, Pomegranate creates unique structures and partnerships in all performance mediums. Whether creating a new work with established artists at the peak of their career or introducing the vision of a younger artist, Pomegranate specializes in producing provocative performance events of the highest quality. Together with Taylor Mac/Nature's Darlings, Pomegranate Arts produced and developed A 24-DECADE HISTORY OF POPULAR MUSIC.
Now celebrating its 50th year, Magic Theatre is dedicated to the cultivation of bold new plays, playwrights, and audiences - and to producing explosive, entertaining, and ideologically robust plays that ask substantive questions about, and reflect the rich diversity of, the world in which we live. Magic believes that demonstrating faith in a writer's vision by providing a safe yet rigorous artistic home, where a full body of work can be imagined, supported, and produced, allows writers to thrive. 22 of the last 25 new plays produced at Magic have enjoyed extended life beyond its stage, throughout the U.S. and abroad including Mac's The Lily's Revenge and the World Premiere of Mac's HIR.
|We Can Now Build Biomolecules From Computer Code — No Humans Necessary - Futurism|
|Decolonization is political action, not an act of historical circumstance.||As an archaeologist who is invested in the project of decolonization, I admit to being wary of its overuse within anthropological discourse to such a degree that it is depoliticized. Decolonization must remain a political project. As Eve Tuck and K. Wayne Yang succinctly reminded us in the first issue of the journal Decolonization: Indigeneity, … Continue reading Decolonization is political action, not an act of historical circumstance. |
|Life and Adventures Celebrated Bandit Joaquin Murrieta His Exploits State of California, Ireneo Paz, Frances P. Belle Regan 1925 Book by BourneBooks|
Life and Adventures of the Celebrated Bandit Joaquin Murrieta: His Exploits in the State of California
|made my day.||Yesterday we were bunkering a Czech-flagged tanker.|
First one I've ever dealt with- the ship was Czech-run, Czech-owned and Czech crewed.
Coincidentally, yesterday the Czech government acknowledged their citizens have a constitutional right to bear arms.
“Citizens of the Czech Republic have the right to acquire, retain and bear arms and ammunition.”
This is certainly the most notable news of today. While this legislation still needs to pass the Czech senate, given their government's position as being broadly defiant of the EU's creeping stranglehold on members' internal lawmaking, this looks to be something that can happen, and I hope it does. Citizens of this region are very concerned about the muslim incursion into Europe, and this does come at an opportune time, with tensions so heightened.
Well, I wish them well, and I had a great conversation with the ships' engineer. He talked about the revolution that saw his country split into several independent states and nation-states, and how optimistic he is for the future. I thought it was interesting that while the issue forcing the Czech government to allow muslim colonization was coming from Brussels, this is only the latest source of discontent over EU rule, not a stand-alone issue, however, he also told me that he was concerned that it might happen anyway, the EU leadership being made up of people who he felt would be more than willing to invade a member state who was getting out of line.
edit- special thanks to reader Jonathan for discreetly reminding me to read what I write and edit the dumbs out. Hopefully he was one of the first few people to read this post, which has since been corrected to reflect his reminder.
|Pic of the day June 29, 2017 at 07:58PM|
Ah! That first draft moment. Just belted out part 1 of my #scifi colonization serial. 28.5K words. Now for an Earl Grey. #blog #amwritingfiction #amwriting From Instagram: http://ift.tt/2srmYlS
|The Sodium/Proline Transporter PutP of Helicobacter pylori||Helicobacter pylori is cause of chronic gastritis, duodenal ulcer and gastric carcinoma in humans. L-proline is a preferred energy source of the microaerophilic bacterium. Previous analyses revealed that HpputP and HpputA, the genes that are predicted to play a central role in proline metabolism as they encode for the proline transporter and proline dehydrogenase, respectively, are essential for stomach colonization. Here, the molecular basis of proline transport in H. pylori by HpPutP was investigated experimentally for the first time. Measuring radiolabeled substrate transport in H. pylori and E. coli heterologously expressing HpputP as well as in proteoliposomes reconstituted with HpPutP, we demonstrate that the observed proline transport in H. pylori is mediated by HpPutP. HpPutP is specific and exhibits a high affinity for L-proline. Notably, L-proline transport is exclusively dependent on Na+ as coupling ion, i.e., Na+/L-proline symport, reminiscent to the properties of PutP of E. coli even though H. pylori lives in a more acidic environment. Homology model-based structural comparisons and substitution analyses identified amino acids crucial for function. HpPutP-catalyzed proline uptake was efficiently inhibited by the known proline analogs 3,4-dehydro-D,L-proline and L-azetidine-2-carboxylic acid.|
|Lactobacillus crispatus Dominant Vaginal Microbiome Is Associated with Inhibitory Activity of Female Genital Tract Secretions against Escherichia coli||Objective:
Female genital tract secretions inhibit E. coli ex vivo and the activity may prevent colonization and provide a biomarker of a healthy microbiome. We hypothesized that high E. coli inhibitory activity would be associated with a Lactobacillus crispatus and/or jensenii dominant microbiome and differ from that of women with low inhibitory activity.
Vaginal swab cell pellets from 20 samples previously obtained in a cross-sectional study of near-term pregnant and non-pregnant healthy women were selected based on having high (>90% inhibition) or low (<20% inhibition) anti-E. coli activity. The V6 region of the 16S ribosomal RNA gene was amplified and sequenced using the Illumina HiSeq 2000 platform. Filtered culture supernatants from Lactobacillus crispatus, Lactobacillus iners, and Gardnerella vaginalis were also assayed for E. coli inhibitory activity.
Sixteen samples (10 with high and 6 with low activity) yielded evaluable microbiome data. There was no difference in the predominant microbiome species in pregnant compared to non-pregnant women (n = 8 each). However, there were significant differences between women with high compared to low E. coli inhibitory activity. High activity was associated with a predominance of L. crispatus (p<0.007) and culture supernatants from L. crispatus exhibited greater E. coli inhibitory activity compared to supernatants obtained from L. iners or G. vaginalis. Notably, the E. coli inhibitory activity varied among different strains of L. crispatus.
Microbiome communities with abundant L. crispatus likely contribute to the E. coli inhibitory activity of vaginal secretions and efforts to promote this environment may prevent E. coli colonization and related sequelae including preterm birth.|
|EEUU da puño bobo a puertorriqueños / US gives Puerto Ricans sucker punch|
Mi hermana me orientó sobre “el puño bobo” esta vez cuando la visité en Nueva York. Se trata de una nueva modalidad criminal donde alguien se acerca y te da un puño que te deja chocado para robarte. Todo el mundo ya sabe de eso, porque la prensa “libre” estadounidense determinó que esa noticia es merecedora de ser difundida para que la gente se pueda defender de estos criminales. Pero eso es lo mismo que el gobierno de Estados Unidos nos ha hecho por 119 años, pero la prensa estadounidense no quiere hablar de eso.
Desde que me involucré activamente en la lucha por descolonizar a Puerto Rico, me he dado cuenta cómo la prensa estadounidense opaca las noticias que va en contra de los intereses del 1%. Como el puño bobo no amenaza estos intereses, la prensa estadounidense lo difunde ampliamente.
¿Qué medio noticioso estadounidense difundió este evento importantísimo para los puertorriqueños en la ciudad donde reside la mayor concentración de puertorriqueños fuera de nuestro territorio nacional? Si lo hubiese difundido, su redacción podría haber sido esta:
“La Organización de Naciones Unidas (ONU) celebrará su vista anual sobre la descolonización de Puerto Rico este lunes, 19 de junio de 2017. La ONU está en su tercera década tratando de erradicar el colonialismo. Puerto Rico ha sido una colonia de Estados Unidos desde el 1898. La ONU ha emitido 36 resoluciones pidiéndole al gobierno de Estados Unidos que le entregue inmediatamente la soberanía de Puerto Rico a los puertorriqueños. Dicho gobierno argumenta que su relación política con Puerto Rico es un asunto interno entre ellos.”
La prensa estadounidense opaca este tipo de noticia. Pero la verdad es que Oscar López Rivera definitivamente no es el terrorista que el gobernador de Nueva York Cuomo y todos los auspiciadores que boicotearon el desfile puertorriqueño 2017 por homenajearlo quiere hacernos creer. Al contrario, el terrorista sin duda alguna es el mismo gobierno de Estados Unidos por mantener a Puerto Rico como su colonia por más de un siglo.
¿Cuántas gentes han sido afectadas por el puño boboque recibe la máxima difusión posible? Quizás una docena. ¿Cuántas gentes han sido afectadas, porque el gobierno de Estados Unidos tiene a Puerto Rico como su colonia? En solo la Masacre de Ponce, murieron 19 y casi 200 herido.
La mayoría de la gente que sabe nada sobre este tema pregunta, ¿Qué es lo que quiere los puertorriqueños? ¡Celebremos un plebiscito para saberlo! Eso puede sonar inteligente, pero demuestra cuán profundo nuestro lavado de cerebro ha sido a través del control total que el gobierno tiene sobre nosotros.
¿Sabía usted que el gobierno de Estados Unidos nos espetó en el Tratado de Paris la ley esclavista Dred Scott vs Sanfordque dice que, “Un esclavo no tiene derecho alguno que un amo le tenga que respectar? ¿Cree usted realmente que un esclavo pueda tener una deuda? ¿Por qué cree usted que hay más puertorriqueños fuera que dentro de nuestro territorio nacional? ¿Sabía usted que un médico se va de Puerto Rico cada día? ¿Sabía usted que Puerto Rico importa 85% de lo que consume? ¿Sabía usted que Estados Unidos recibe 14 veces más de lo que invierte en Puerto Rico? ¿Cree usted que la razón por la cual Estados Unidos (EEUU) ha ignorado 36 resoluciones de la ONU es porque EEUU está perdiendo dinero en Puerto Rico?
Lo importante para recordar es que la ONU determinó en el 1960 que el colonialismo es un crimen en contra de la humanidad, porque es una amenaza a la paz mundial. El gobierno de Estados Unidos practica el terrorismo de estado por haber decidido ignorar las resoluciones de la ONU pidiéndole la descolonización de Puerto Rico.
Compañeros Unidos para la Descolonización de Puerto Rico ha organizado una marcha permanente desde Hunter College hasta la ONU en el mismo día de su vista sobre la descolonización de Puerto Rico para llamar la atención a lo que este gobierno quiere esconder. Oprima el siguiente enlace para ver nuestro videos del 2017: https://www.facebook.com/johnnie.stevens.75/videos/10208661776242568/https://www.facebook.com/johnnie.stevens.75/videos/10208661959487149/
Acompáñanos en nuestra 5ta Marcha Oscar – Mandela en NYC 2018 el lunes, después del Día de los Padres. ¡Tenemos que crear un tsunami de gente para obligar al gobierno de Estados Unidos a descolonizarnos, porque los que valora más el dinero que la gente, no cree en la JUSTICIA PARA TODOS!
My sister informed me about the sucker punch, when I visited her in New York City. This new modality of criminal activity involves someone coming up to you and giving you a punch that knocks you out cold to rob you. All New Yorkers know about it, because the United States (US) “Free press” considers it important so we could protect ourselves. However, the United States government has been giving Puerto Ricans the sucker punch for 119 years, but the US press doesn’t want to talk about that!
Since my active involvement 5 years ago in Puerto Rico decolonization, I have noticed how the US press blacks out whatever news that goes contrary to the interest of its 1%. The sucker punch poses no threat to them, so that will get 100% exposure.
Which US media covered the very important event for Puerto Ricans in a city that has the largest concentration of Puerto Ricans outside of our national territory? If one would have, it might have read something like this:
“The United Nations (UN) will hold its annual hearing concerning Puerto Rico decolonization on Monday, June 19, 2017. The UN is in its 3rd decade trying to eradicate colonialism. Puerto Rico has been a US colony since 1898. The UN has issued thus far 36 resolutions asking the US government to immediately give Puerto Rico’s sovereignty to the Puerto Ricans. The US governments, however, has ignored thus far these resolutions by arguing that Puerto Rico’s political relationship is an internal affair.”
The US press blacks out this kind of news. The fact of the matter is that Oscar Lopez Rivera is definitely not the terrorist that New York Governor Cuomo and all of the sponsors that boycotted the 2017 Puerto Rican Day Parade for honoring him want to make us believe. The US government is definitely the terrorist according to international law for keeping Puerto Rico as its colony over a century.
Most people who know nothing on this subject often ask, what do the Puerto Ricans want?Let have a plebiscite to find out? This may sound intelligent, but it is evidence of the profound brainwashing that the US government has done through its total control of our environment.
How many people have been affected by the sucker punch? Perhaps about a dozen. How many people have been affected by the US government’s colonial relationship with Puerto Rico? Do you know that the US government stuck in the Treaty of Paristhe slave law Dred Scott vs Sanford, which says that, “A slave has no right that a slave master has to respect.” Do you really believe that a slave could be in debt? Why do you think there are more Puerto Ricans living out of Puerto Rico than in our national territory? Do you know that a doctor a day leaves Puerto Rico? Do you know that Puerto Rico imports 85% of what we eat there? Do you know that the US governments receives 14 times the investment that it makes in Puerto Rico? Do you really believe that the US government has ignored 36 UN resolutions, because it is losing money in Puerto Rico?
The important thing to remember is that the UN ruled that colonialism is a crime against humanity in 1960, because it threatens world peace. Therefore, the United States government practices state terrorism by not complying with the UN’s resolutions asking for the immediate decolonization of Puerto Rico.
United Comrades for Puerto Rico Decolonization has organized a permanent march from Hunter College to the UN on the same day of the UN hearing on Puerto Rico decolonization to expose what the US media wants to hide. Click on the following link to watch our 2017 videos of it: https://www.facebook.com/johnnie.stevens.75/videos/10208661776242568/https://www.facebook.com/johnnie.stevens.75/videos/10208661959487149/
Join us next year on the Monday after Fathers’ Day for our 5th Oscar – Mandela March 2018. We must create a tsunami of people to force the US government to comply with international law, because those who value money more than people don’t believe in JUSTICE FOR ALL!
|Are Hemroids Cancerous - About Urinary Tract Infection - Prevention And Treatments||are hemroids cancerous: Urinary tract infection, or UTI, is colonization of microorganisms in the urinary tract in such an amount and such a way that damages or symptoms are produced. When only the urethra and the bladder is affected, it is called lower urinary tract... Are Hemroids Cancerous|
|Rhogostomidae (Cercozoa) from soils, roots and plant leaves (Arabidopsis thaliana): Description of Rhogostoma epiphylla sp. nov. and R. cylindrica sp. nov.||
Rhogostomidae (Cercozoa) from soils, roots and plant leaves (Arabidopsis thaliana): Description of Rhogostoma epiphylla sp. nov. and R. cylindrica sp. nov.
Eur J Protistol. 2017 Jun 13;60:76-86
Authors: Dumack K, Flues S, Hermanns K, Bonkowski M
PMID: 28662495 [PubMed - as supplied by publisher]
|When old knowledge prevent adoption of new socio-economic practices||One of the dominant facets of colonization is visible in the structure of African formal food industries. Many African countries are stuck with infrastructure designed for supporting manufacturing of a few agricultural commodities, mainly for the export market. Such commodities include maize, beef, coffee, tea, cocoa, soya bean, tobacco and wheat. The biggest mistake by[...]|
|Contact Conference This Fri-Sun at NASA Ames||Last year's Contact conference was one of my favorite conferences of all time. The focus of Contact is really hard to explain, but I'll try: Space Exploration, Artificial Intelligence, Music, Science Fiction, Film making, Singularity stuff, Robot stuff, Artificial Life, Virtual Worlds, Virtual Reality, Space Colonization, Astrobiology, Astropsychology, Astrosociology, Biotech, Bioinformatics... -- and *really* on all of it! (and I'm sure I'm forgetting something) -- ALL this stuff is covered -- and well! Just go if you can. Registration is a bargain, and there's a student rate! Check out the speaker list....|
|By: Carl||John, I think you're right that the same things are happening that used to. But they're happening for different reasons, as you come to point out. Theoretical patricide in small, closed kinship groups has been replaced by at least two parallel dynamics. One, the shortening of commodity shelf-lives in a well-heated global marketplace of ideas, where increasingly the consumers received their entitled dispositions to short attention spans from earlier cycles of the same dynamic. Two, the emergence into entitled identity, first as groups and then as individuals, of postcolonial subjects.
Neither of these groups is subject to discipline (I am not exempting myself from this analysis), the first because indiscipline is essential for good consumers and the second because any kind of discipline smacks of recolonization.
Top that off with the expansion of the professoriate in mass-education regimes and its attendant growth of dedicated and complicit publication venues and mechanisms and you're gonna get a whole lot of half-assed undisciplined crap sprayed out into the environment. The good versions of which can be really neat, of course.
The academic market is both less rigorous and less competitive than ever before, but looks more of both to people who have been told that they're entitled to succeed in it. Yes, spin is easier than scholarship, and its products are increasingly judged by people who got their positions the same way and are ideologically committed to that project. The blind reading the blind.
I'm not saying any of this is bad. It's probably the case that exactly as much or maybe more good scholarship is being done this way as ever before. There just has to be a way for careers to be made for the other 90% of the academic professionals whose real function is to wave a bit of education under the noses of the idiot children of the bourgeoisie as they credential themselves for middle management.|
|Things to Do Friday!||13 things to do for June 30
by Mercury Staff
Waterfront Blues Festival
Portland Craft Beer Festival
Animal Collective, Stephen Malkmus
Queer Migration Stories and Panel
Lithics, Tender Age, Mattress, Media Jeweler
Improvisation Summit of Portland 2017
Eat Skull, The Renderers, Woolen Men
Streetlight Manifesto, Jenny Owen Youngs, Ogikubo Station
Senator Ron Wyden Discusses Net Neutrality
Don't forget to check out our Things To Do calendar for even more things to do!