01/07/2017: FRONT PAGE: Dictator’s former wife in court   
THE ex-wife of former Liberian president Charles Taylor has appeared in court accused of torture offences linked to the country’s civil war. Agnes Reeves Taylor, 51, faces six charges relating to alleged offences committed in the west African country...
          Holders Mamelodi Sundowns into CAF Champions League quarterfinals   
Khama Billiat of Mamelodi Sundowns is helped up by teammate Anthony Laffor of Mamelodi Sundowns during the CAF Champions League match between Mamelodi Sundowns and St George on 13 May 2017 at Lucas Moripe Stadium, Pretoria South Africa. A late goal from talisman Anthony Laffor away in Ethiopia on Saturday ensured progress for holders Mamelodi Sundowns through to the CAF Champions League quarterfinals, where they are joined by Tunisian pair of Esperance and Etoile Sahel. Sundowns beat Saint George in Addis Ababa with the Liberia international netting five minutes from time. Combined with Esperance's 2-2 draw against AS Vita Club of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sundowns are now ensured of progress as they moved three points...
          Holders Mamelodi Sundowns into CAF Champions League quarterfinals   
Khama Billiat of Mamelodi Sundowns is helped up by teammate Anthony Laffor of Mamelodi Sundowns during the CAF Champions League match between Mamelodi Sundowns and St George on 13 May 2017 at Lucas Moripe Stadium, Pretoria South Africa. A late goal from talisman Anthony Laffor away in Ethiopia on Saturday ensured progress for holders Mamelodi Sundowns through to the CAF Champions League quarterfinals, where they are joined by Tunisian pair of Esperance and Etoile Sahel. Sundowns beat Saint George in Addis Ababa with the Liberia international netting five minutes from time. Combined with Esperance's 2-2 draw against AS Vita Club of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sundowns are now ensured of progress as they moved three points...
          Africa's Titans And Rising Stars: On Leadership, Entrepreneurship, Wealth And Business In 2014   
Despite the many challenges that the continent faced in 2014; the kidnapping of 276 school girls in Nigeria, Ebola outbreak in the West African epicenters of Liberia, Guinea and Sierra Leone and conflicts in various African countries, there were also significant strides and gains; the continent continued to make economic [...]
          Former Football Superstar-Turned Politician, George Weah Wins Liberian Senate Seat In Landslide Victory   
Against the backdrop of a nine-month long Ebola epidemic and twice-delayed senate elections, popular former football star and opposition politician, George Weah won a landslide victory in the mosthigh-profile race for the Montserrado County senate seat inLiberia. Running as a candidate for the Congress for Democratic Change (CDC), one of [...]
          LIBERIA: How Africa And Africans Are Responding To The Ebola Crisis   
This is a three-part series to explore the efforts and highlight the work that Africans are undertaking to curb the spread of the Ebola virus, particularly in the hardest hit region of West Africa. According to the WorldHealthOrganization (WHO), Ebola has infected over 10,000 people and claimed the lives of [...]
          Resisting corporate takeover: 'when our land is free, we’re all free'   
Silas Siakor and Jacinta Fay document the Jogbahn Clan’s struggles against agribusiness in Liberia.
          Pihak-Pihak Yang Terlibat Perang Dunia II   
Blok Poros (AXIS)

  1. Nazi Jerman : Adolf Hitler
  2. Italia : Benito Mussolini
  3. Jepang : Hideki Tojo


Militer tewas: 8.000.000
Sipil tewas: 4.000.000
Total tewas: 12.000.000

Negara-negara Poros (AXIS) adalah negara-negara yang menentang pihak Sekutu selama Perang Dunia II.
Ada 3 negara utama dalam kekuatan poros yaitu; Nazi Jerman, Italia dan Kekaisaran Jepang. Pada puncak kejayaan mereka, Kekuatan Poros menguasai dominasi daerah yang sangat luas di Eropa, Asia, Afrika dan Oseania/Pasifik. Tetapi Perang Dunia II berakhir dengan kekalahan mereka. Seperti pihak Sekutu, keanggotaan Negara-negara Poros tidak tetap, dan beberapa negara bergabung dan kemudian meninggalkan Negara-negara Poros selama perang berlangsung.

Anggota Negara-negara Poros minoritas:

  1. Bulgaria, Hongaria, Yugoslavia, Finlandia, Thailand, Rumania
  2. Negara Boneka Jepang:
    Manchukuo, Mengjiang (bagian wilayah di Mongolia], Nanking (bagian wilayah di Tiongkok), Burma, Filipina, dan India
  3. Negara boneka Italia:
    Albania dan Ethiopia
  4. Negara boneka Jerman
    Serbia
  5. Negara lainnya yang berkoalisi
    Spanyol dan Denmark
  6. Bekas anggota
    Uni Soviet, Berdiri sendiri/memihak Sekutu pada 1941.


Negara Sekutu:

  1. Britania Raya : Winston Churchill
  2. Uni Soviet : Joseph Stalin
  3. Amerika Serikat : Franklin Roosevelt
  4. Republik China : Chiang Kai-Shek

Militer tewas: 17.000.000
Sipil tewas: 33.000.000
Total tewas: 50.000.000

Blok Sekutu pada Perang Dunia II adalah negara-negara yang berperang bersama melawan Blok Poros (Jerman, Italia, dan Jepang) dari 1939 sampai 1945.

Anggota Sekutu

  1. Setelah penyerangan Jerman ke Polandia (1939)
    Polandia, Britania Raya (termasuk Kerajaan India & Negara Koloni), Perancis, Australia, Selandia Baru, Nepal, Afrika Selatan, Kanada
  2. Setelah berakhirnya perang Poni (1940)
    Norwegia, Belgia, Luksemburg, Belanda, Yunani, Kerajaan Yugoslavia, Uni Soviet, Tannu Tuva
  3. Setelah pengeboman Pearl Harbor (1941)
    Panama, Kosta Rika, Republik Dominika, El Salvador, Haiti, Honduras,
    Nikaragua, Amerika Serikat, China, Guatemala, Kuba, Cekoslowakia
  4. Setelah pembentukan Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa (1942)
    Meksiko, Brasil, Ethiopia, Irak, Bolivia, Iran, Italia, Kolombia, Liberia
  5. Setelah D-Day (1944)
    Romania, Bulgaria, San Marino, Albania, Hungaria, Bahawalpur, Ekuador, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, Venezuela, Turki, Arab Saudi, Argentina, Chile
  6. Setelah pengeboman Hiroshima (1945)
    Mongolia

          Reggio: sbarcano domani oltre 400 migranti   

migrantisbarco ildispaccio14aprquaterE' previsto domani 2 luglio, alle ore 8.00 circa, l'arrivo nel Porto di Reggio Calabria della nave "Diciotti" con a bordo 413 migranti, di varie nazionalità : Africa centrale, Senegal, Costa d'Avorio, Guinea Conaky, Bangladesh, Mali, Gambia, Camerun, Nigeria, Biafra, Sudan, Congo, Burkina Faso, Benin, Niger, Sierra Leone, Togo, Liberia, Eritrea, Ghana, Guinea Bisseaou, Libia e Casamass.

--banner--

Le operazioni di primo soccorso e assistenza, coordinate dalla Prefettura, saranno prestate dal personale della Polizia di Stato, dei Carabinieri, della Guardia di Finanza, del Comune Capoluogo, della Polizia Provinciale, della Capitaneria di Porto, dell'USMAF, del SUEM 118 e dell'Azienda Ospedaliera, della Croce Rossa Italiana, del Coordinamento ecclesiale Migranti della Caritas e da varie altre Associazioni di volontariato.

Al momento dello sbarco i migranti verranno sottoposti alle prime cure sanitarie da parte del personale medico presente sul posto e assistiti dalle Associazioni presenti.

Nell'occasione sarà allestita, a cura della Regione Calabria, la tenda per il trattamento igienico – sanitario dei migranti con patologie cutanee.

I migranti saranno trasferiti secondo il Piano di riparto predisposto dal Ministero dell'Interno.


          Constanta. Nave avizate la sosire pentru operare in porturile maritime romanesti. Trei sub pavilion Liberia   
La momentul editării acestei știri pe portalul CNAPMC se aflau avizate, pentru sosire la operare, șapte nave. Dintre acestea una era cu pavilion necunoscut, trei sub pavilion Liberia, și câte una sub pavilion Belize, Rusia și Turcia. Totodată, dintre cele șapte cinsi se aflau pentru desc ...

          Review of Massimo Pigliucci’s, Answers For Aristotle: How Science and Philosophy Can Lead Us to a More Meaningful Life   

I just finished Massimo Pigliucci’s wonderful book: Answers for Aristotle: How Science and Philosophy Can Lead Us to A More Meaningful Life. Pigliucci was born in Monrovia, Liberia and raised in Rome.[1] He has a PhD in genetics from the University of Ferrara, Italy, a PhD in biology from the University of Connecticut, and a PhD in philosophy of science from the University of Tennessee.[10] He is currently a fellow of the American Association for the Advancement of Science and of the Committee for Skeptical Inquiry.

https://ieet.org/images/uploads/41dGVyDVqhL._SL250__.jpg
          I would like to hire a Web Developer by psralph68w   
In actual fact, my project is all centered around providing feeding and care shelter for Liberian refugees kids and teens living on God's shelter for food, shelter and every needs at the Buduburam Refugee... (Budget: $1500 - $3000 AUD, Jobs: Email Developer, HTML, PHP, Software Development)
          I would like to hire a Web Developer by psralph68w   
In actual fact, my project is all centered around providing feeding and care shelter for Liberian refugees kids and teens living on God's shelter for food, shelter and every needs at the Buduburam Refugee... (Budget: $1500 - $3000 AUD, Jobs: Email Developer, HTML, PHP, Software Development)
          I would like to hire a Web Developer by psralph68w   
In actual fact, my project is all centered around providing feeding and care shelter for Liberian refugees kids and teens living on God's shelter for food, shelter and every needs at the Buduburam Refugee... (Budget: $1500 - $3000 AUD, Jobs: Email Developer, HTML, PHP, Software Development)
          I would like to hire a Web Developer by psralph68w   
In actual fact, my project is all centered around providing feeding and care shelter for Liberian refugees kids and teens living on God's shelter for food, shelter and every needs at the Buduburam Refugee... (Budget: $1500 - $3000 AUD, Jobs: Email Developer, HTML, PHP, Software Development)
          Re: Sex tourism in Gambia...   
From www gvnet.com I transfer the fllowing passage.

Human Trafficking and Modern-day Slavery

The Gambia is a source, transit, and destination country for children and women trafficked for the purposes of forced labor and commercial sexual exploitation. Within The Gambia, women and girls, and to a lesser extent boys, are trafficked for sexual exploitation, in particular to meet the demand for European sex tourism, and for domestic servitude. Boys are trafficked within the country for forced begging by religious teachers and for street vending. Transnationally, women, girls and boys from neighboring countries are trafficked to The Gambia for the same purposes listed above. Primary source countries are Senegal, Mali, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Ghana, Nigeria, Guinea-Bissau, Guinea and Benin. Trafficking of Gambian boys to Senegal for forced begging and Senegalese boys to The Gambia for the same purpose is particularly prevalent. Gambian women and girls are trafficked to Senegal for domestic servitude, and possibly for sexual exploitation. Gambian women and children may be trafficked to Europe through trafficking schemes disguised as migrant smuggling. Reports in the last two years of Gambian, Senegalese, and nationals of other neighboring countries being transported from The Gambia to Spain by boat appear to be predominantly cases of smuggling rather than trafficking. - U.S. State Dept Trafficking in Persons Report, June, 2008 [
          “Liberi da… liberi di…” Seminario di Tango Olistico a Bologna – 25 febbraio 2017   

Viaggio nella LIBERTA’ attraverso il TangoOlistico®” “E quando permettiamo alla nostra luce di risplendere, inconsapevolmente diamo agli altri la possibilità di fare lo stesso. E quando ci liberiamo dalle nostre paure, la nostra presenza automaticamente libera gli altri” (Nelson Mandela) La libertà è un desiderio primario per ciascun essere umano…Ma che cos’è davvero la libertà? […]

L'articolo “Liberi da… liberi di…” Seminario di Tango Olistico a Bologna – 25 febbraio 2017 sembra essere il primo su OliTango.


          Business and Private Diplomacy: A Potential Catalyst for Sustainable Peace   

30 Jun 2017

By Misha Nagelmackers-Voinov for Geneva Centre for Security Policy (GCSP)

The UN has frequently acknowledged that the private sector can function as a powerful agent of change. However, the world body’s preferred partners to resolve conflicts and build peace remain civil society and armed actors. Additionally, the leaders of UN peace operations have never been expressly mandated to consult with business communities or use their influence to build peace. Well, these practices have to change, argues Misha Nagelmackers-Voinov, both at the multinational and micro-national levels.

This article was originally published by the Geneva Centre for Security Policy in June 2017.

Introduction

A general overview of what the term “private sector” entails will help define the scope of this paper. The private sector can be defined as the part of the economy that is not run by a state, but by individuals and companies for profit. It comprises a large diversity of organisations such as publicly or privately owned companies, including multinational companies (MNCs); organisations owned and operated by a group of individuals for their mutual benefit such as cooperatives; or organisations that raise funds to operate and are financed by government or intergovernmental organisations or through hybrid business models, such as non-governmental organisations (NGOs), but excluding non-profit organisations (NPOs).1 When referring to the private sector, this paper will include publicly or privately owned companies, including MNCs, but exclude private military companies. All private sector organisations’ main driving forces can be summed up as a quest for profits, security and reputation.

Because it is multidimensional, the private sector can be classified in many ways. In addition to a classification by sector, businesses can be ranked by size, number of employees, geographical presence, if they are a local business or the subsidiary of an MNC, or are tailored to serve domestic needs or export markets (or both). In a violence-or conflict-affected context each category of business will evolve differently, reinvent itself or disappear.

Key Points

Small businesses/micro-companies serve as a good starting point for a conflict resolution process because they often constitute the only form of economic activity in a conflict zone.MNCs have a range of options to respond to conflict, but cannot openly take part in conflict resolution and peacebuilding initiatives, and rarely become involved officially. Track Two diplomacy is their more likely area of involvement.The United Nations has frequently supported the view that the private sector can be a powerful agent of change. However, the UN still engages only two players in conflict resolution and peacebuilding: civil society/NGOs and armed actors. UN peace operations have never been expressly mandated to consult with business or use its influence to build peace.Combining the resources, expertise and leverage of all possible actors would produce a more formidable force for peace. World affairs would benefit from integrating the private sector into a new UN system of governance; new routes are possible for a truly inclusive approach, recognising the business sector’s positive contribution to sustainable peace through informal mediation and collaborative engagement.

A converging definition and shared approach

Size is the most convenient and easily available criterion of classification for private sector companies. In emerging market economies affected by violence or conflict there would be five main categories of private businesses: formal businesses (big companies that are registered with local authorities and pay taxes); semi-formal medium-sized companies (which pay taxes, but are not systematically registered with authorities); small companies (which represent the vast majority of businesses, operate in a dedicated area or office, and are registered with local authorities); micro-companies (which operate from a variety of places such as markets or in the street and pay some form of tax on the temporary location from which they conduct business, such as a market place or handcart); and home workshops (which are mainly to be found in larger cities). Small companies operating from a dedicated or informal area provide more than half of the world’s formal jobs. They are key drivers of economic growth and development, as well as the backbone of a local economy. Among the medium-sized or small private companies mentioned above, government employees might run such small businesses in some countries in order to diversify sources of income or risk, and allow close or even remote family members to make a living.

As violence increases or conflict breaks out, micro-companies and MNCs will be impacted, but never in the same ways or at the same pace. Generally, the private sector will shift from traded to non-traded goods (i.e. goods provided by donors), cut investment, and shift its capital to foreign currency assets and away from its production tools. Commerce and tourism will be the first sectors to contract, followed by manufacturing and construction. This shift will create conditions for an informal economy (which employs 80% of the population of the Democratic Republic of the Congo/DRC2) as households’ incomes deteriorate and inflation affects official and parallel markets alike. Falls in employment will create falls in domestic savings and greater reliance on external aid. In such environments, agriculture and public administration will often remain the only source of official employment and income. Violence and conflict also change the prosperity equilibrium as individual roles evolve. When men die in conflict, women become responsible for ensuring the community’s survival by starting informal businesses or taking up farming.3

Small players, such as micro-companies, become important: in chaotic times grassroots, local entrepreneurs provide the only goods, services and jobs available in a given conflict zone. They can also make an important contribution to conflict transformation because they maintain their economic influence and local political contacts during the conflict, and thus serve as a good starting point for a conflict resolution process. So do business associations, because they often also have close links to governments and represent all sides of the conflict.

The Guatemalan experience illustrates the role of business associations. The 36-year civil war in that country was caused by interlinked social, economic and political factors, “specifically ideological differences embedded in the global political struggle of the Cold War”.Initially, the Guatemalan private sector was not a fervent supporter of the peace negotiations. The overall intensity of the war was low and geographically contained in mountainous areas, and the sectors that were most affected by the conflict were limited to tourism and the coffee industry. Negotiations with all stakeholders, including business, started on a very positive note. However, because of tensions between factions within the association representing the private sector, Comité Coordinador de Asociaciones Agricolas, Comerciales, Industriales y Financieras (CACIF), it refused to meet rebel groups, demanding instead an immediate ceasefire. Interestingly, the coffee industry did not embrace peace talks, because the peace process was associated with economic reform, while the tourism sector, too weak to lobby, was absent from the process. This tends to support the idea that different groups within the business sector are more or less willing or able to support mediation or a peace process.

At the other end of the size spectrum lie MNCs. They account for two-thirds of world trade and can be defined as large corporations incorporated in one country, implementing a consistent multinational response among their various subsidiaries. Their global number is estimated at 80,000, with 840,000 subsidiaries across the world, representing 75,000,000 employees. During the 1950s and 1960s host governments rarely intervened in the affairs of MNCs. Nowadays, these large companies are more flexible and more responsive to their host governments’ demands. But not all MNCs follow the same strategy, and some will sacrifice market participation to preserve strategic autonomy. “There can be no growth in an environment where there is no peace”, says Unilever boss Paul Polman, insisting that business “can and must be a force for good5”. The “corporate coalition” backing Peace One Day – including Skype, McKinsey, Ocado, Innocent, Coca-Cola and Burger King – is a start, but certainly not what corporations do best.6 Instead, they could engage in discussions on good governance and obstacles to peace.

An MNC subsidiary faces complex governance challenges in the wake of violence or conflict. It is controlled by its parent company, which is often based outside the region or country; this company bears the ultimate responsibility for the group’s worldwide strategic direction. The affiliate or subsidiary is expected to support the overall objectives of its group, contributing to its brand and matters of corporate priority such as Western-led concepts like corporate social responsibility (CSR). This is a first possible gap between the subsidiary of a MNC and its host country. Understanding often diminishes and misunderstandings widen as violence increases in the country hosting the subsidiary, due to the distance between the centre of power (company headquarters) and the local affiliate.

Going Beyond CSR; or, the limitations of policies

Recent literature7 has explored how MNCs are expected to contribute to peace and security in the absence of public or government capacity to fulfil this role. Most of those who participated in this research (through individual phone interviews or plenary sessions) were communications directors, CSR managers, and line and business managers from MNCs’ subsidiaries. Many respondents seemed to ignore the role their employer could or did play in peace and security. This might be because CSR involves voluntary self-commitments focusing mainly on the environment, health care, education or security. The role of business in conflict is rarely addressed in this context, either because the CSR agenda needs to be broadened or because businesses are indeed active in issues related to the conflict, but it is not considered part of CSR. This constitutes a second gap in the corporate governance of MNCs: local CSR is part of a more global CSR strategy and is often managed as an extension of local public affairs, public relations or marketing efforts. In order to offer any sense of how MNCs’ subsidiaries can have an impact on peace and security, further research is needed from the business point of view involving risk managers, chief financial officers, and members of the executive board in charge of audit and control committees.

Research by swisspeace focused on Swiss MNCs and how they engage in peace efforts.8 The paper in question is based on interviews with CSR managers from the MNCs’ head offices and focuses on their knowledge of their companies’ contribution to peacebuilding. The data covers eight to ten Swiss companies from various sectors. Most CSR managers appear to be unaware of the ways in which they could engage in peace processes or what role they could play. As the authors suggest, this might be because peacemaking or conflict transformation “is not linked to the business case”.9 Other explanations also come to mind. Firstly, involvement in a political process can only result from an informal individual initiative, not as part of a formal representation of the company, and strictly on a confidential basis, which means no public relations communications – in fact, no communication whatsoever. Secondly, the lack of institutional trust between civil society or advocacy NGOs and the private sector is so heightened that such high-level strategic information will be considered only on a need-to-know basis. The CSR manager will deal with philanthropic initiatives to improve the environment or help local communities, as well as manage advocacy NGOs or research foundations. CSR or security managers might not be involved in all formal or informal contacts between a local business manager and strategic stakeholders.

The review of existing grey research covering CSR managers in MNC subsidiaries and MNC headquarters demonstrates that there is an obvious need for more research in the area of violence and conflict resolution in terms of risk management. As a result, the issue of the relationship between business and peace might be more one of board policy or operational strategy, and therefore falls beyond CSR.

Take a positive peace perspective

When an MNC considers suspending its activities due to violence or conflict, the result is an important depletion of local knowledge – and an increase in risk for the local population and local business alike, because of outsourced goods and services. The immediate consequence of an MNC’s withdrawal or shutdown is undesirable from a local employment perspective: selling a subsidiary to a competitor might appear more desirable, but not if the new owner recognises fewer rights for employees and local communities (human rights, labour rights, development rights, social and economic rights).

Acting truly locally is a strategic challenge for global MNCs. Some are able to act like local businesses.10They employ local people, thus contributing to social mixing, and support those who wish to start their own businesses. This strategy maintains a certain level of economic normality in times of violence or conflict – and prepares for future peace. This can also be achieved by an MNC subsidiary maintaining local infrastructure such as transport, or temporarily covering basic health and social services. In all these examples the private sector can compensate for temporary state shortcomings or the total collapse of state-supplied services.

But in the absence of a mandate to participate in peace settlements, the private sector might resolve to consider its bottom line rather than its humanitarian impact, and shut down or sell its operations, despite adverse local consequences. In Nepal, for instance, the economic stagnation that marked the period following the end of civil war in 2006 was caused by the withdrawal of Indian MNCs that supported the Nepalese economy, and clearly hindered political and social stability.

It might be of interest to consider what strategies the private sector – MNCs and local businesses alike – can chose in a context of violence or conflict. Firstly, it can decide to take advantage of the economics of war and grow its business. Secondly, it can conduct business as usual, under local regulation or the absence of it, either because it cannot withdraw (e.g. a local business), or because violence is not affecting its operations. Thirdly, it can withdraw from the conflict zone and disengage. Fourthly, it can decide to engage proactively and contribute to public security.

From a positive peace perspective, business can foster economic development, support an emerging or existing legal system, and nourish a sense of community. It does not, however, consider the provision of assistance to local communities as a political act, but as tangible ways of reducing its operational costs. In matters of general strategy or corporate policy, CSR is considered as part of operations, while supporting peace or conflict resolution is the exclusive prerogative of the local or international political domain. In practice, the difference between CSR and working for peace and stability follows a very fine line, and is more of a corporate philosophy than an entrenched position. Businesses are committed to avoiding conflict as best they can. But as outsiders in a host country they must remain neutral: actively negotiating between warring parties cannot be part of their licence to operate. Business therefore cannot openly take part in conflict resolution and peacebuilding activities.

Because of the reputational and security risks involved in participating in peace mediation processes, companies rarely become involved officially, and if they do, it is with the utmost confidentiality and discretion. If the private sector contributes to conflict transformation efforts – for instance, through good offices or by supporting higher national interests – it is often on condition that its non-core contribution remains secret. If its contribution is publicised, its licence to operate and the safety of its staff, operations or infrastructure on the ground might be at risk. This need for discretion – for security or competitive advantage – is certainly one of the reasons why business’s engagement in peacebuilding or conflict mediation as a facilitator or information intermediary is rarely properly investigated or publicised. Short-term political ambitions only contribute to business’s caution when publicising any involvement in conflict prevention or resolution.

In terms of ‘economic’ peacebuilding, the private sector is encouraged to use its direct economic influence to promote peace. In terms of so-called ‘political’ peacebuilding, the private sector participates in initiatives such as ‘policy dialogues’ with local stakeholders. According to International Alert,11 this more political form of engagement includes participating in truth and reconciliation commissions; supporting weapons hand-ins; providing capacity-building support for local government, including judicial and police forces; supporting initiatives to attract foreign investment; and helping the local private sector build capacity and governance systems.

In a number of cases the private sector has decided to act as an agent of prevention in order to mitigate violence. One example is the campaign led by the Kenya Private Sector Alliance (KEPSA) and its 100,000 members following the 2008 electoral violence in that country. This violence caused major disruptions to the Kenyan tourism, tea and flower industries: exports fell by up to 40% in some areas of the country, while tourist inflows decreased by more than a third and job losses increased dramatically. The private sector decided to embark on a five-year corporate campaign to prevent possible violence ahead of the 2013 elections. Many initiatives were conducted, including a communication and training campaign in cooperation with civil society organisations, interfaith groups, developmental partners and the media. KEPSA is also reported to have supported legislative advocacy to tackle the causes of poverty in Kenyan society, lobbied key politicians to commit to peaceful elections, and pressured members of the media to avoid inflammatory content in their publications. Mobile operators also took steps to prevent their networks from being used to disseminate political hate speech. This local perspective on conflict transformation remains an important avenue for further research.

Business’s motivations to remain in violence- or conflict-affected zones

Assuming it has the possibility to leave a violent or conflict area, a company might still decide to remain in an unstable environment for four main reasons. Firstly, it might still be able to make a profit: costs related to the conflict do not outweigh the income the business can generate. While ensuring income for both the company and its local staff, the company thus contributes to preserving some kind of economic normality for local communities. Heineken, the Dutch brewer founded in 1864, imported its first beer into Africa in 1900. It is now present in 23 African countries. The current CEO, Jean-François van Boxmeer, worked in Rwanda in the early 1990s. He then moved to the DRC, where he helped to deal with the refugee crisis that followed the 1994 Rwandan Genocide.

Among the refugees were many of Heineken’s Rwandan employees and their families. As general manager of Bralima, Heineken’s DRC subsidiary, Van Boxmeer decided the company would help his former Rwandan employees, offering shelter and basic income. This meant that the company’s resources would go to humanitarian aid rather than running the company. But it was the only possible decision, Van Boxmeer says: “The larger the company, the larger the stakes. But you have a social contract. It’s one of the crucial elements for a leader to remember and live by.”12

Secondly, if the company represents the interests of a foreign state, it might need to balance the evolution of the relationship between its home country and its host government with regard to the conflict; this relationship will have an impact on its dealings with local authorities and its host government. It might not be in a position to balance the risk/opportunity equation, but the company will remain in the country for the purposes of its home government’s national interest. Total is one of the major world oil companies, and the French government has a 15% stake in it (down from 34% in 1992). Active in Burma/Myanmar since 1992, the company’s investments in the country are guaranteed by the French government through Coface (Compagnie française d’assurance pour le commerce extérieur). Over time, Total expanded its direct investments to become the largest foreign investor in Burma after all the major MNCs left the country following boycotts. In 2002 a case was filed against Total in Brussels by four Myanmar refugees for alleged complicity in violations of human rights in the course of the construction and operation of the Yadana Gas Pipeline. Belgian authorities dropped the case in 2008.13

Thirdly, the business might simply ‘hold the market’ and secure future resources or interests, as part of a long-term business strategy in the sector or region, and as mandated by its shareholders. And, finally, the company might decide to keep its operation active in a conflict zone to gain critical learning experience and ultimately improve the way in which it operates. When he sent the French army into Mali in 2013 to deal with an insurrection in the north of the country, President Hollande recommended that French citizens should leave the country, but hardly any left. In 2010, 60 French-owned subsidiaries and companies were in Mali, mainly in Bamako. These companies were active in mining (Vinci and Bouygues via subsidiaries), banks (BNP Paribas), telecoms (Alcatel-Lucent), transport (Air France), etc. Most of them considered that if security measures were put in place early, it was possible to continue working in near-normality; for instance, to limit travel and risk, employees could move into and live in the work site. Security procedures were submitted to the local French embassy for its future evacuation plans.

Some businesses are considered better peacebuilders than others, partly because of their exit options or the amount of capital invested. Extractive industries have few options in conflict-affected areas and require high investments over decades, but they also have powerful incentives to contribute to peace. Despite this economic stimulus, the extractive industry is often criticised for continuing to work in conflict-affected areas, while industries like tourism or telecoms are regarded as better suited to peacebuilding activities.

Engaging Business in Private Diplomacy

Would world affairs benefit from integrating the private sector into a clear UN mandate or as part of a new system of governance engaging traditional and new parties to multilateral diplomacy? First and foremost, business needs to recognise that conflicts provoke many emotions, “which in turn play a crucial role in the evolution of conflict”.14 If greed and grievance are the main sources of conflict, then government and business might very well share responsibility for a conflict. Poverty, social inequality, unemployment or divided identity politics fuel conflict, particularly when accompanied by illegal behaviour on the part of governments – through corruption or illegitimate private wealth accumulation, or when divisive political leaders plant the seeds of ethnic conflict. But this can also be the case when companies indulge in illegal or irresponsible behaviour.

Governments’ interests have always gone beyond their national borders, leading to foreign conquests and in many cases causing massacres and atrocities. These conquests were mostly conducted through either direct or indirect engagement. The private sector also contributed to these conquests, with the blessing of states, for better or worse, working with governments to export alleged liberalisation and democratisation. An example of direct military engagement is the 2003 invasion of Iraq. A more recent example of indirect engagement is when Nasdaq-listed companies were sent as emissaries to Iran in 201315.

Because of the perceived shortcomings of governments and their political agendas, as well as business’s considered failure to act responsibly, new actors have entered conflict-resolution or mediation efforts: the Crisis Management Initiative, the Carter Center’s Conflict Resolution Programme, the United States Institute of Peace and the Geneva-based Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue. These private organisations actively participate on behalf of governments in Track Two diplomacy (as part of unofficial government diplomacy), but also increasingly in Track One (official government) diplomacy initiatives, exploring new channels or contacts when the official lines of communication and negotiation have broken down. Their lack of a political mandate is recognised by all parties to mediation processes and is a welcome development in a peace market that has suffered from the presence of actors who promote peace, democracy and human rights, but do not strictly abide by the principles of impartiality, neutrality and independence. Mediators themselves mention the relevance of business actors in the two diplomacy tracks and the increasing importance of business actors as economic actors and facilitators in fragile states: “local business actors may have more leverage within track 2 processes than as part of a large internationally peace mediation process.”16 From the mediator’s point of view, “it is of little relevance whether (the business) becomes engaged in a peace process for personal business interests or for more altruistic interests in peace”.17

The United Nations has frequently supported the view that the private sector can be a powerful agent of change. However, in real life the UN still considers two actors to be relevant in conflict resolution and peacebuilding processes: civil society/NGOs and armed actors. Peace operations have never been expressly mandated to consult with business or to help regulate their impact on peace, including in countries where the UN Security Council (UNSC) has imposed trade sanctions. This (voluntary?) decision by the UN and UNSC not to work with pro-peace businesses indicates a wider institutional pattern: “It is irresponsible of UN practice to ... overlook the way in which these actors might help – or hinder – near and long-term conflict transformation.”18 Combining the resources, expertise and leverage of all possible actors would probably produce a more formidable force for peace.

The only reference to business being consulted can be found in the December 2005 founding mandate of the UN Peace Building Commission (PBC); since then, neither the PBC annual session reports nor working papers for 2013, 2014, 2015 and 2016 mention encouraging the possibility of engaging with business in any peace process – with the exception of local business, which is merely reminded of its duty to pay taxes ...! One might consider that this is because business is publicity shy on topics it considers to be of political relevance. Or it might be because business has simply not wished to be actively involved in any PBC activities. The truth lies certainly somewhere between the PBC not knowing how to engage business and business not wishing to be seen as active in what it perceives to be part of the political arena. However, since perceptions effectively constitute reality, the PBC seems to be missing out on the engagement of an important stakeholder, while business is guilty of not supporting the peace efforts of intergovernmental organisations.

The feeling is that economic transformation might exclusively be the responsibility of policymakers. The absence of the private sector in the so-called inclusive approach to peacebuilding and the absence of engagement with businesses to generate improvements represent at best an omission and at worse ignorance on what important stakeholders can potentially contribute to building peace. As things stand today, except in communication and fund-raising events, the private sector is not considered as a sound partner in peace processes. There is hardly any formal record either in UNSC mandates or UN peace operations (MONUSCO, UNOCI, UNMISS, etc.) of consulting with commercial entities such as trade professionals, purchasers, suppliers or commercial agents. UN entities only address regulatory issues through civil society monitoring. The UNSC engages states to take the necessary measures to deal with natural resources-related conflicts and invites international financial institutions to contribute to establishing regulatory governance: it does not consult on, engage with or regulate this process, and does not deal with the issue directly.

Should the UNSC adopt a wider mandate, no doubt responsible companies active in natural resources would support conflict transformation efforts in post-conflict areas, but without an “exceptional transitional business regulatory role”.19 Business could also proactively initiate networks and engage actors or trade associations in the post-conflict business sector to adopt responsible peace-related business self-regulation.

Responsible leadership

A case can be made for a new kind of responsible leadership to support integrated and comprehensive peace processes through mediation. Through a collective, cooperative approach, the underlying causes of conflict could be addressed; such an approach would include companies, NGOs, labour organisations, and local and national governments. This approach might take time to set up and implement, but it would bring hope to and positive developments for all parties involved:

It will be argued that the factors affecting the issue are not within the control of companies – it is a matter for government. Or it will be claimed that the issue is not as widespread as suggested and that things are not really so bad. Or that it would require industry-wide effort to have an impact. Companies, like NGOs, are human organisations and they suffer from the natural conservatism of all human organisations – they like to carry on doing what they have been doing successfully for years and tend to resist any change to a smoothly running system.20

Understanding possible informal engagements among political actors, mediators and business, as well as the role of each industry within the economy, must be explored in order to influence the overall process. One of the most successful ways in which business can support peace has been through trade associations, including businesspeople from both sides of the conflict. Mediators praise their direct or indirect, pragmatic, economics-focused, bridge-builder approach21 and consider that it is relevant to include business actors, depending on the context or the stage of the mediation process: early in the process as part of formal Track One initiatives or on their own initiative in a Track Two or Track Three process; during the negotiation phase, using their knowledge of economic development, trade or employment; and/or during the implementation phase, for instance by providing suitable jobs to former combatants, thus providing them with gainful options other than armed violence, or hiring people from all sides of the conflict, thus contributing to breaking down stereotypes and biases.22

Facilitating informal, off-the-record talks between mediators and businesses is also a route that needs to be systematically explored. The inspiration for these informal/briefing talks between business and mediators is as much about rebuilding trust as building knowledge and understanding on both sides. For instance, the private sector was successfully involved at the Track One level in the recent successful negotiation process between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), playing an important informal role throughout these negotiations. Some businesspeople were even members of the negotiation team. The government, the FARC and the business sector themselves welcomed the private sector’s engagement: “Business leaders held off-the-record meetings of multi-sectorial groups in order to generate space for developing personal relationships.”23 Members of the business sector sponsored and were involved in public demonstrations and activities to protest against the conflict and lobbied on numerous public occasions for a peaceful settlement. Business representatives also established contact with an imprisoned leader of the other main Colombian armed opposition group, the National Liberation Army, “leading to the signing of a goodwill accord pledging the parties to seek a solution to the Colombian crisis”.24

The first major work on business-based conflict transformation is less than 20 years old.25 The World Bank has found that the first thing that must be dealt with after the restoration of peace and the examination of various fundamental social issues is the question of establishing a framework for restoring business.26 The past decade has seen an increase in initiatives to address a possible multi-stakeholder approach to conflict transformation, including MNCs and local businesses.27 On the basis of these principles, further initiatives have been launched such as the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development principles on MNCs and the International Bill of Human Rights of the International Finance Corporation, which is the World Bank’s lending arm.

But the debate is still largely dominated by policy built on examples of businesses sustaining and fuelling violent conflict – largely reported by civil society and raised as banners to condemn all businesses indiscriminately. Corporate-bashing (or brand-bashing) - as NGO-bashing - are probably not the most promising strategies to achieve inclusive dialogue. A new type of engagement is needed to avoid the institutionalisation of business models such as Greenpeace’s28, which replicate bipolar models of good versus evil. The misinterpretation of how companies perceive a peace process has, for instance, led to the publication of some negatively oriented guidance for corporate engagement in conflict transformation, i.e. “good corporate practice is about negative peace and what companies should not do”.29 There is nevertheless a growing interest in constructive ways of including companies in conflict management and peace support, recognising what business has achieved as well as understanding business’s perspectives on the potential and limits of corporate engagement.

In “Money Makers as Peace Makers? Business Actors in Mediation Process”,30 swisspeace identifies 14 case studies where private sector efforts complemented those of the public and civil society sectors. These were in Colombia, Cyprus, the DRC, El Salvador, Guatemala, Aceh/Indonesia, Kenya, Mozambique, Nepal, Northern Ireland, Somalia, South Africa, Sri Lanka and Sudan. There is an obvious need for more research from the business perspective, and particularly on the governance of MNCs and the role that MNCs’ local subsidiaries can play in violence prevention and conflict resolution.

Conclusion

This paper has focused on cases where the private sector supported private and/or multilateral diplomacy. Such cases indicate that building trust and engaging both traditional and new parties to peace talks might allow a better understanding of a conflict resolution and peacebuilding process and improve cooperation. The paper also explored ways in which world affairs would benefit from integrating the private sector into peacebuilding and suggested routes for a truly inclusive approach to advance peace processes.

A successful peace agreement often brings peace dividends. Liberia’s economy grew at an annual rate of 11% after peace was achieved, South Africa is still one of Africa’s most advanced economies, Aceh has become a source of economic and political innovation for its region, Mozambique has experienced an average growth of 7% (except for 2013 and 2014), and Northern Ireland experienced economic growth of 3.2% in 2005, almost twice as much as the United Kingdom as a whole. But the international community has also engaged in a number of unsuccessful attempts to build sustainable peace in war-stricken areas/ countries such as Bougainville (2001), Liberia (2003), and Sudan and South Sudan (2005). Despite comprehensive peace agreements and going through the same path of security building, governance building and transitional justice as successful peacemaking efforts, all these areas/ countries experienced outbreaks of instability and violence, in particular during elections.

Less than half of the peace agreements referred to above included an economic dimension in their settlement:31 there was no mention of reinvigorating post-war economies, no ways of supporting the reconstruction of a local private sector, no plans to revive a war-torn society, and no reference to economic reforms. If state‐building must rightly remain an internally driven process, economic recovery remains a turning point between success and failure in peacebuilding, because failure retards development and holds back foreign investment. Surely it is time for comprehensive peace agreements to become truly comprehensive and include the private sector as one of the most important sources of the widespread economic empowerment that is needed to mitigate the effects of conflict and violence?

Notes

1 An NGO, also known as a civil society organisation, is a non-governmental organisation even though its funding might be provided by a government. An NPO uses its extra funds for the purposes of the organisation, rather than dividing it among the shareholders and owners of the organisation. Examples of NPOs are universities, trade unions or charitable organisations. However, an NPO might operate in conjunction with a government.  

2 TDRP (Transitional Demobilization and Reintegration Program), “5 Democratic Republic of Congo”, in Assessing the Reintegration of Ex-combatants in the Context of Instability and Informal Economies, December 2011, p.31, http://www.tdrp.net/ PDFs/Informal_Economies_Dec2011-5.pdf

3 C. Samba-Panza, interim president of the Central African Republic, “The Central African Republic: ‘Land of Wealth and Opportunity’”, transcript of her speech during the handover ceremony to President-elect Faustin-Archange Touadéra, 30 March 2016, http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/ speech/2016/03/30/the-central-african-republic-is-a-land-of-wealth-and-opportunity

4 E. Jonas, “The Role of the Private Business Sector in Peace Negotiations: Lessons from Guatemala”, Sicherheit und Frieden/ Security and Peace, Vol.4, 2007.  

5 O. Balch, “Businesses have a role promoting peace in conflict zones”, The Guardian, 23 September 2014, https://www. theguardian.com/sustainable-business/2014/sep/22/businesses-role-promoting-peace-conflict-zones-drc-palestine  

6 J. Hatcher, “Goma Peace Concert Criticised for Overshadowing DR Congo’s Grim Reality”, The Guardian, 23 September 2014, https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2014/sep/23/goma-peace-concert-dr-congo-jude-law  

7 See D. Jamali, R, Mirshak, “Business-Conflict Linkages: Revisiting MNCs, CSR, and Conflict”, Journal of Business Ethics (2010) 93:443–464; A. Graf & A. Iff, “Conflict-Sensitive Business; Review of Instruments and Guidelines”, swisspeace, January 2013  

8 A. Iff, R. Alluri and S. Hellmüller, “The Positive Contributions of Businesses in Transformations from War to Peace”, swisspeace Working Paper 2/2012, http://www.swisspeace.ch/fileadmin/ user_upload/Media/Publications/WP2_2012.pdf

9 Ibid., p.15, quoting L. Zandvliet, “Conflict Transformation and the Corporate Agenda – Opportunities for Synergy”, in B. Austin, M. Fischer and H.J. Giessmann (eds), Advancing Conflict Transformation. The Berghof Handbook II, Opladen/Framington Hills, Barbara Budrich, p.360.  

10 What managers can do strategically depends on where they are located. National influences limit corporate behaviour in important ways.  

11 J. Banfield, C. Gündüz and N. Killik (eds), Local Business, Local Peace: The Peacebuilding Potential of the Domestic Private Sector, London, International Alert, 2006.

12 P. Vanham, “How Heineken’s CEO Went from Congo to the Company’s Top Spot”, LinkedIn, 22 July 2015, https://www. linkedin.com/pulse/how-did-heinekens-ceo-go-from-congo-global-peter-vanham

13 Business and Human Rights Resource Center, “Total Lawsuit in Belgium (re Myanmar)”, 2014, https://business-humanrights. org/en/total-lawsuit-in-belgium-re-myanmar  

14 G. Carbonnier, Humanitarian Economics: War, Disaster and the Global Aid Market, London, Hirst, pp.30-32.

15 General Motors traveled to Iran on this occasion, drafting contracts for the resumption of GM’s activities In Iran. To ensure US success, President Obama signed the Executive Order Act 13645 on 3 June. This presidential decree sanctioned any foreign entity that sold or supplied parts or services to the Iranian automobile sector but did not prohibit the supply of vehicles. Renault being the main foreign operator with 90,000 cars produced in 2012, the US decree clearly targeted France. Furthermore, United Against Nuclear Iran summoned Carlos Ghosn, the boss of Renault, to withdraw from Iran under penalty of American sanctions (G. Malbrunot, “En Iran, l’offensive discrète des entreprises américaines”, Le Figaro, 4 October 2013)  

16 A. Iff et al., “Money Makers as Peace Makers? Business Actors in Mediation Processes”, swisspeace Working Paper No. 2/2010, p.24, http://www.swisspeace.ch/fileadmin/user_upload/ Media/Publications/WP2_2010.pdf

17 swisspeace/CS ETH Zurich, “Peace Mediation Essentials: Business Actors in Mediation Processes”, December 2010, p. 2, http://www.swisspeace.ch/fileadmin/user_upload/Media/Topics/ Mediation/Resources/Peace_Mediation_Essentials_Business_ Actors.pdf  

18 J. Ford, Regulating Business for Peace: The United Nations, the Private Sector, and Post-conflict Recovery, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2015.  

20 M. Moody-Stuart, Responsible Leadership: Lessons from the Front Line of Sustainability and Ethics, Oxford, Greenleaf, 2014, p.36.

21 swisspeace/CS ETH, Peace Mediation Essentials, p.8.

22 Ibid., p.12.  

23 A. Rettberg, “Local Business’ Role in Formal Peace Negotiations”, in Banfield, Gündüz and Killik (eds), Local Business, Local Peace, p.51.

24 A. Rettberg, 2007, p. 486 in A. Iff et al., “Money Makers as Peace Makers? Business Actors in Mediation Processes”, swisspeace Working Paper No. 2/2010, p.16, http://www. swisspeace.ch/fileadmin/user_upload/Media/Publications/ WP2_2010.pdf

25 J. Nelson, The Business of Peace: The Private Sector as a Partner in Conflict Prevention and Resolution, London, Prince of Wales Business Leaders Forum, International Alert and Council on Economic Priorities, 2000.

26 J.-D. Wolfensohn, Statement during a special session on the role of business in conflict prevention, peacekeeping and peacebuilding, UN Security Council, 15 April 2004, http://siteresources.worldbank. org/INTCPR/214578-1112884026494/20482671/Role+of+WB+in+Conflict+and+Development.pdf

27 J. Ruggie and T. Nelson, Human Rights and the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises: Normative Innovations and Implementation Challenges, Harvard Kennedy School of Government, Corporate Social Responsibility Initiative, Working Paper No. 66, May 2015, p.5. https://www.hks.harvard.edu/ index.php/content/download/76202/1711396/version/1/file/ workingpaper66.pdf

28 See the Greenpeace campaign against Timberland in J. Swartz, “Standing up to 65,000 Angry Activists”, Harvard Business Review, September 2010; and W.M. Hoffman, R.E. Frederick and M. Schwartz (eds), Business Ethics: Readings and Cases in Corporate Morality, Chichester, John Wiley, 2014).

29 A. Iff, “What Guides Businesses in Transformations from War to Peace?” in A. Pigrau and M. Prandi (eds), Companies in Conflict Situations, Barcelona, International Catalan Institute for Peace, pp.153-78.

30 Iff et al., “Money Makers as Peace Makers?”, pp.16-19.  

31 UN Development Programme and Crisis Management Initiative, “Peace Processes and Statebuilding”, in J.-K. Westendorf (ed.), Why Peace Processes Fail: Negotiating Insecurity after Civil War, Boulder, Lynne Rienner, 2015, p.17.  

About the Author

Misha Nagelmackers-Voïnov is a member of Woodz Public Affairs and an Executive-Fellow-in-Residence with Geneva Centre for Security Policy (GCSP


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          5 Kapal Laut Terbesar di dunia   
1. “Pierre Guillaumat”

Kapal Terbesar Yang Pernah Dibuat adalah 4 supertanker kelas Batillus buatan Perancis pada akhir 70-an, berbobot mati 555.000 ton dan panjang 414 meter. Diluncurkan dari galangan kapal Chantiers de l’Atlantique di Saint Nazaire.

Satu-satunya kapal yang lebih besar adalah si jumbo “Knock Nevis”; ex “Jahre Viking”, ex “Seawise Giant”, ex “Porthos”, di tahun 1981. Tapi, supertanker dari kelas Batillus mempunyai tonase kotor yang lebih besar, sehingga bisa dianggap lebih besar dari Knock Nevis.

Keempat kapal dari kelas Batillus itu adalah sebagai berikut:
• Batillus, buatan 1976, diistirahatkan 1985.
• Bellamya, buatan 1976, diistirahatkan 1986.
• Pierre Guillaumat, buatan 1977, diistirahatkan 1983.
• Prairial, buatan 1979, (juga dikenal dengan sebutan “Hellas Fos” dan “Sea Giant”)



2. “Super Tanker Knock Nevis”

Inilah raja dari segala supertanker, dan mungkin jika dilihat dari dimensinya merupakan kapal terbesar yang pernah dibuat . Yang jelas untuk yang masih beroperasi, memang kapal inilah yang terbesar. Cerita perjalanan karirnya-pun cukup menarik.

Pertama-tama kapal ini punya banyak nama sebutan:
• “Seawise Giant”
• “Porthos”
• “Happy Giant”
• “Jahre Viking”
• “Knock Nevis”

Knock Nevis, or T.T. Jahre Viking adalah kapal terbesar yang pernah dibuat. Ini adalah super tanker dengan kelas ULCC (Ultra Large Crude Carrier), kapal ini berukuran panjang 485 meter (1503 feet), apabila kapal ini berdiri maka kapal ini akan lebih tinggi dari Petronas Twin Tower .

Jahre Viking mempunyai kedalaman sarat muatan penuh 25 meter. Karena ukurannya yang besar ini, Jahre Viking tidak bisa melewati terusan Panama maupun terusan Suez bahkan Selat Inggris-pun tidak bisa dilewati. Cargo capacity (deadweight tonnage) dari Jahre Viking adalah 564,763 ton, Jahre Viking dapat mengangkut sekitar 650,000 m³ (4.1 juta barrel) minyak mentah (crude oil) sekali berlayar.

Jahre Viking pada mulanya dibangun dengan displacement of 480,000 tons oleh Sumitomo Heavy Industries Yard di Jepang pada 1975 dengan nomor lambung 1016, yang kemudian diberi nama Seawise Giant.Sebagai gambaran, lihat perbandingan skalanya dengan menara Eiffel dan Empire State Building:


3. “Cargo Ship Emma Maersk”

Salah satu Container Ship terbesar di dunia tentu saja dimiliki oleh perusahan pemilik Container Ship terbesar MAERSK-Group. Kapal ini diberi nama EMMA MAERSK, merupakan Container Ship terbesar yang sudah dioperasikan.

Kapal ini mampu memuat hampir 11,000 TEU’s (Twenty feet Equivalent Unit), tidak kurang dari 1,400 container lebih banyak dari pada kemampuan muat kapal lain. Itu menurut batas stabilitas kapal sesuai dengan kebijaksanaan perusahaan, dengan asumsi berat per container 14 ton. Tetapi pada dasarnya kapal ini didesain mampu memuat 14,500 TEU’s.

Kapal ini dibuat oleh Odense Steel Shipyard Denmark pada 2006. Ada fakta yang menarik ketika kapal ini sedang dibangun, dimana terjadi kebakaran besar di dek akomodasi dan bridge deck yang menyebabkan banyak kerusakan. Tetapi semuanya dapat diperbaiki dengan cepat dan kapal diselesaikan tepat waktu. Kapal ini diberi nama EMMA MAERSK, yang merupakan nama dari istri Maersk Mc-Kinney pendiri MAERSK-Group.


4. “Cruise Ship Queen Mary II”

Kapal Pesiar termewah dan terbesar yang beroperasi untuk saat ini adalah Quenn Mary 2. Queen Mary 2 beroperasi dibawah bendera Cunard Line, yang merupakan pemilik kapal pesiar terbesar sebelumnya The Queen Mary. Queen Mary 2 ter-registrasi di Suthampton, United Kingdom.

Pembangunan Queen Mary 2 menelan biaya sekitar 900 juta US dollars, itu merupakan salah satu kapal termahal yang pernah dibuat. Tetapi biaya pembangunan yang segitu besar sebanding dengan kemewahan yang ditawarkan, Queen Mary 2 adalah “The most luxurious pearl in the crown of cruise liners”.

Eksterior dari Queen Mary 2 ditangani oleh arsitek handal Stephen Payne. Ukuran yang sangat besar menjadi halangan terbesar dalam menciptakan kenyamanan bagi penumpang. Sebagai contoh, chimney kapal harus di-desain agar gas buang yang dihasilkan mesin kapal tidak menimbulkan polusi di sekitar upper deck yang merupakan public area paling ramai di kapal itu.



5. “Berge Stahl”

Berge Stahl terdaftar di Stavanger, Norwegia. kapal ini sebelumnya terdaftar di Monrovia, Liberia. kapal ini dibangun pada tahun 1986 oleh Hyundai Heavy Industries. Kapal ini sekarang dimiliki perusahaan Singapura BW Group.karena ukurannya yang sangat besar, Kapal ini hanya dapat merapat penuh di dua pelabuhan didunia yaitu, Terminal Marítimo de Ponta da Madeira di Brazil dan Europoort dekat Rotterdam di Belanda.

          Comment on Monteverde Road Conditions: Driving To Santa Elena and Around Monteverde by Ilya   
Hi! Thank you for a lot of great info, spent so much time going through the website getting ready for the first to Costa Rica. For the trip from Liberia to Monteverde, do you think Hyundai Creta 4x2 will have enough clearance, there will be 2 adults and young teenager, but very lightly packed? Expected travel very early August Thanks in advance
          Buque de fertilizante a 40 pies de calado   
La estación marítima se posiciona como la puerta de ingreso de los fertilizantes a Argentina y Uruguay Con el arribo del buque de bandera liberiana DRAGONGATE y su atraque en el Sitio 9/10 de la...

Ingrese al sitio para leer la noticia completa

          Paintwork: young Liberians slap on any message you want   
Standing in sweltering heat for hours at a time, painted head-to-toe in the colours of the tax authority, Emmanuel Howard has become a fixture at traffic junctions in Liberia's capital Monrovia.
          CAF League: Sundowns, Esperance, Sahel advance   

    Title-holders Mamelodi Sundowns of South Africa and Esperance and Etoile Sahel of Tunisia became the first qualifiers for the Caf Champions League quarter-finals Saturday. Gangling Liberian Anthony Laffor scored five minutes from time to earn Sundowns a 1-0 Group C victory over Saint George of Ethiopia in a packed 30 000-capacity Addis Ababa […]

The post CAF League: Sundowns, Esperance, Sahel advance appeared first on New Telegraph Online.


           Au Liberia, le "salaire de la peau" des mannequins publicitaires de rue    
none
          Au Liberia, le "salaire de la peau" des mannequins publicitaires de rue   
Immobile, peint de pied en cap aux couleurs d'une administration du Liberia, Emmanuel Howard brave la chaleur et les gaz d'échappement de la circulation. A Monrovia, des dizaines de jeunes hommes vendent un espace publicitaire encore...
          Argentina: Aumento de calado permite a Puerto Quequén recibir buques de fertilizantes   

Por Redacción PortalPortuario.cl @PortalPortuario El arribo del buque Dragongate marca el inicio de las operaciones de Puerto Quequén en la descarga de buques de fertilizantes de 200 metros de eslora a 12 metros de calado. El presidente del Consorcio de Gestión de Puerto Quequén,  Arturo Rojas, resaltó que “nuevamente vemos los beneficios del dragado constante en nuestro puerto, específicamente de la quinta campaña de dragado de los últimos dos años, recientemente finalizada en mayo”. “Con esta operación en la margen de Necochea queda demostrada la homogeneización del calado en todo el interior portuario. Desde el año pasado, estamos cargando buques a 43 pies en las terminales de la margen de Quequén y ahora también recibimos barcos a 40 pies de calado. Esto significa mayor eficiencia y competitividad, brindando previsibilidad a todos los actores de nuestra cadena redundando en un mayor crecimiento y la generación de más trabajo directo e indirecto”, explicó Rojas. El buque, de bandera liberiana y procedente del Puerto de Fangcheng, China, ingresó al terminal con  54.200 toneladas de fertilizantes a granel. Tiene previsto descargar en Quequén aproximadamente 25.975 tons, para luego partir hacia Bahía Blanca, San Nicolás y finalizar en San Lorenzo.    

La entrada Argentina: Aumento de calado permite a Puerto Quequén recibir buques de fertilizantes aparece primero en Portal Portuario.


          Coins Value Chinese Silver Zodiac Coins Are Worth Collecting   
The Chinese Silver Zodiac Coins that are now terribly favored in online merchant sites are galvanized by the traditional Chinese zodiac, which contains the twelve animals that make up the 12-year cycle. And thanks to the beauty and class of these coins, other countries like Australia, Liberia, and Somalia have issued commemorative coins that featured both the Chinese animal zodiac signs and the respective royalties of the partnering countries.




If you try searching for these coins online, you will find that almost all of the silver and gold Chinese zodiac coins produced have the faces or emblems of Australia, Somalia, and even the Isle of Man on the other side. If these are the sorts of coins you would wish to collect for yourself then this article will give you some of the basic information you will need in trying to find these coins.




China as we all know is an example of the oldest civilizations existing and has influenced most parts of Asia with its culture and history like no other. It's also known to be one of the finest places to look for ancient and rare coins as it has been producing its own currency since 1889.




Collectors are continually on the look-out for both rare Chinese currencies and brilliant uncirculated coins such as the <b>Chinese Silver Zodiac Coins</b> that have either been made domestically or thru coinage with other countries abroad. If you're trying to find any of these silver zodiac provoked coins, here is what you can do:




Take the time to flick thru the World Wide Web since this is the most convenient source of information with regards to these Chinese silver zodiac coins. You'll be amazed at how many coin sellers are available to transact with you.




Research on what factors are wanted to identify authentic Chinese Silver Zodiac Coins to not pay for fakes, especially when bought online.


You can find great prices and selection on the fun, unique Chinese Silver Zodiac Coins at: ==> ChineseSilverCoins.com

coins value: coins value

coins value: coins value

Article Source: www.articlesnatch.com


          Identifiers for the 21st century: How to design, provision, and reuse persistent identifiers to maximize utility and impact of life science data   
by Julie A. McMurry, Nick Juty, Niklas Blomberg, Tony Burdett, Tom Conlin, Nathalie Conte, Mélanie Courtot, John Deck, Michel Dumontier, Donal K. Fellows, Alejandra Gonzalez-Beltran, Philipp Gormanns, Jeffrey Grethe, Janna Hastings, Jean-Karim Hériché, Henning Hermjakob, Jon C. Ison, Rafael C. Jimenez, Simon Jupp, John Kunze, Camille Laibe, Nicolas Le Novère, James Malone, Maria Jesus Martin, … Continua la lettura di Identifiers for the 21st century: How to design, provision, and reuse persistent identifiers to maximize utility and impact of life science data
          Paintwork: Young Liberians slap on any message you want   
Entrepreneurs like Emmanuel Ben, 26, founder of the Emmanuel Creation bodypaint publicity firm, were barely born at the time, but would grow up seeing a niche in the market for a highly-mobile way of attracting customers.
          170th Liberian Independence Day Celebration ~ Historic Stockton Waterfront District   

At the dawn of the US Civil War in 1862, the United States of America officially recognized the Republic of Liberia. Today, a California ~ Liberian Family Reunion builds on an amazing historical legacy and provides a firm foundation towards unlimited future opportunity of collaborative partnership.


          Re: Another day, another opinion piece overselling breastfeeding   

These are not at all comparable:

Only one in every 200 children here – just 0.5 per cent – is breastfed until the age of 12 months, placing us bottom of a global league table published in The Lancet medical …

Compare that to Liberia where over 98% of babies are breastfed for some portion of time.

0.0 per cent of my children were breastfed 'until the age of 12 months'.

100% of them were breastfed for 'some portion of time'.

Apples and square dancing.


          Coca-Cola’s “Project Last Mile” Expands to Liberia and Swaziland Strengthening Health Systems across Africa    
Today at the European Development Days, The Coca-Cola Company and its Foundations, in partnership with the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, the U.S. Agency for International Development and the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, announced the latest expansion of “Project Last Mile” with innovative programs to strengthen local health systems in Liberia and Swaziland. Launched in 2010 to transform the delivery of medical supplies in Tanzania, Project Last Mile has since worked with Ministries of Health in Ghana, Mozambique, Nigeria and South Africa to improve the availability of essential medicines.
          Liberia and Global Fund Deepen Partnership in Building Systems for Health    
President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf today outlined strategic areas of partnership between Liberia and the Global Fund, stressing the need to accelerate the process of building resilient and sustainable systems for health to prevent disease outbreaks. Liberia was the epicenter of the 2014 Ebola outbreak that claimed more than 11,000 lives across West Africa.
          Wereld voor reizigers weer iets gevaarlijker geworden   

De wereld is voor reizigers de afgelopen twee jaar weer iets gevaarlijker geworden. Dat blijkt uit een vergelijking die de NOS heeft gemaakt tussen de reisadviezen van het ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken die nu op de site staan en die van 2015. Vooral landen in Noord- en Midden-Afrika en West-Azië zijn onveilig.

De ontvoering van Derk Bolt en zijn cameraman Eugenio Follender in Colombia illustreerde vorig week nog hoe riskant het in sommige gebieden kan zijn. Zij bevonden zich in 'rood' gebied, een deel van een land waar Buitenlandse Zaken een bezoek sterk afraadt. Een ander voorbeeld is de recente aanval van moslimstrijders op een hotel in Mali, waar ook zes Nederlanders zaten.

Dertien landen zijn volgens Buitenlandse Zaken gevaarlijker dan twee jaar geleden. Daarvan wordt Turkije het vaakst door Nederlanders bezocht. Voor heel Turkije geldt een verhoogd risico op terroristische aanslagen. Bovendien zijn er sinds de mislukte coup van vorig jaar politieke spanningen en verstoorde relaties met Nederland en andere EU-landen.

Thailand en de Filipijnen

Ook een ander populair land voor Nederlandse vakantiegangers, Thailand, is onveiliger geworden. Politieke demonstraties kunnen er tot geweld leiden en door de rouw voor de overleden koning zijn feestelijke activiteiten beperkt. Ook in de Filipijnen kunnen demonstraties tot geweld leiden.

Egypte is onveiliger geworden door geweld, terroristische aanslagen en politieke spanningen. Vakantiegangers zorgen dat ze alert zijn en bereikbaar in crisissituaties. In Egypte, de Filipijnen en Turkije zijn bovendien 'rode gebieden', waar alle reizen sterk afgeraden worden.

Zuid-Amerika en Afrika

Honduras, Colombia en Venezuela zijn onveiliger geworden door gewelddadige criminaliteit, zoals berovingen, overvallen en ontvoeringen. In Venezuela is bovendien de politieke situatie gespannen.

Mozambique en Gabon hebben door politieke onrust een negatiever reisadvies gekregen. Dat geldt ook voor Macedonië, het enige Europese land waar het onveiliger is geworden. Door de politieke crisis zijn er in de hoofdstad Skopje en andere delen van het land dagelijks protesten.

Voor meer landen wordt nu aangeraden om er alleen in noodzakelijke gevallen naartoe te reizen. Dat aantal steeg van 22 in 2015 naar 26 nu. Dit geldt bijvoorbeeld voor het grootste deel van Eritrea, Venezuela, Mali en Pakistan.

Het goede nieuws is dat minder landen zo onveilig zijn dat Buitenlandse Zaken adviseert om er helemaal niet naartoe te gaan. In 2015 gold dit advies nog voor 13 landen; nu nog voor tien landen, waaronder Jemen, Syrië en Afghanistan.

De daling heeft vooral te maken met de ebola-uitbraak in West-Afrika die nu onder controle is. Daardoor vervallen de negatieve reisadviezen voor Sierra Leone, Liberia en Guinee. Nepal werd in 2015 ontraden in verband met de zware aardbeving. Het land is nu weer een stuk veiliger.

De site van het ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken wordt gemiddeld 210.000 keer per maand geraadpleegd. Het callcenter van het ministerie krijgt daarnaast zo'n 3000 telefoontjes per dag van Nederlanders met vragen. Steeds vaker zijn het telefoontjes over familieleden die vermist lijken. In het overgrote deel van de gevallen blijkt al snel dat van vermissing geen sprake is, maar is iemand door slechte internetverbindingen een tijdje onbereikbaar.

In ongeveer zeventig gevallen per jaar blijkt er echt iemand verdwenen. Maar ook dat komt bijna altijd weer goed. In totaal moet de consulaire dienst zo'n 1000 keer per jaar echt in actie komen. Het gaat dan om Nederlanders die bijvoorbeeld zijn overvallen, overleden, vermoord, gearresteerd, vermist of in een ziekenhuis zijn opgenomen.


          Human billboards add colour to Liberia streets   
Standing in sweltering heat for hours at a time, painted head-to-toe in the colours of the tax authority, Emmanuel Howard has become a fixture at traffic junctions in Liberias capital Monrovia.
          Au Liberia, le "salaire de la peau" des mannequins publicitaires de rue   
Immobile, peint de pied en cap aux couleurs d'une administration du Liberia, Emmanuel Howard brave la chaleur et les gaz d'échappement de la...
          Liberia : le «salaire de la peau» des mannequins publicitaires   

Au Liberia, les campagne de publicité sont peintes de la tête au pied… de véritables mannequins. Des dizaines de jeunes hommes parcourent les artères agitées de la capitale en louant leur corps comme espace publicitaire. Au Liberia, les campagne de publicité sont peintes de la tête au pied… de véritables mannequins. Des dizaines de jeunes […]

Cet article Liberia : le «salaire de la peau» des mannequins publicitaires est apparu en premier sur Fdesouche.


           Paintwork: young Liberians slap on any message you want    
Standing in sweltering heat for hours at a time, painted head-to-toe in the colours of the tax authority, Emmanuel Howard has become a fixture at traffic...
          170th Liberian Independence Day Celebration ~ Historic Stockton Waterfront District   

At the dawn of the US Civil War in 1862, the United States of America officially recognized the Republic of Liberia. Today, a California ~ Liberian Family Reunion builds on an amazing historical legacy and provides a firm foundation towards unlimited future opportunity of collaborative partnership.


          Dallas-County 22 mins ago 4:56 p.m.President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf of Liberia visits Dallas   

Madam President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf of Liberia visited Texas this week. The current leader of Liberia has broken barriers during her career.


          Commenti su Anticipazioni Un posto al sole: PATRIZIO in un talent show di cucina di Nicolas   
Ma quando ci liberiamo di questo personaggio inutile ?
          Cárteles mexicanos se expanden a África   

Con la llamada guerra contra el narcotráfico los cárteles mexicanos comenzaron a explorar nuevos mercados para el tráfico de drogas hasta expandirse en todo el mundo. Uno de sus principales puntos de venta, además de Estados Unidos, es Europa, y para llegar a ese continente los narcotraficantes mexicanos utilizan África como su centro de operación intermedio.

Aunque su máximo líder, Joaquín "El Chapo" Guzmán, está en una prisión de Estados Unidos, el "Cártel de Sinaloa" continúa como la organización que controla el mayor tráfico de drogas a África, seguido del "Cartel Jalisco Nueva Generación" y "Los Zetas".

Fuentes consultadas de la Secretaría de Marina Armada de México (Semar) y otras autoridades que conforman el gabinete de seguridad afirmaron que no hay registros de que se utilice una ruta o logística directa México-África; por el contrario, Centro y Sudamérica son los eslabones por los que los cárteles mexicanos puedan transportar cocaína, heroína y metanfetaminas, por lo que no se tienen aseguramientos en México que tuvieran como destino ese continente.

Para poder operar, los cárteles mexicanos se han relacionado con los narcotraficantes colombianos, las pandillas centroamericanas y con la mafia italiana; estos últimos son sus contactos en África para hacer llegar las drogas a Europa.

En eso coincide Samuel González Ruiz, ex director de la Unidad Especializada en Delincuencia Organizada de la Procuraduría General de la República (PGR), quien en entrevista comenta que por el año 2010 el "Cártel de Sinaloa" comenzó a tener presencia en África.

"Hace unos años se conoció de la utilización de Guinea-Bissau, se logró detectar el paso de los cárteles mexicanos. El "Cártel de Sinaloa" tenía esa ruta, eso implicó varios esquemas de cooperación entre las autoridades", menciona, tras asegurar que Guinea-Bissau estaba fuertemente carcomido por la corrupción y el crimen organizado.

Para el también exconsultor de la Oficina de Naciones Unidas contra la droga y el delito, la cocaína del "Cártel de Sinaloa" se detectó que salía de América del Sur por avión (son aproximadamente siete horas de vuelo para llegar a África); "de ahí cambiaban de aeronave para el trasiego a Europa".

En el caso de la vía marítima, González señala que ese camino para el trasiego siempre ha existido. "Usan la ruta más corta entre América central y Europa —para llegar a España e Italia— y es bordeando África, por eso expandieron su presencia".

De acuerdo con información del gobierno federal, el "Cártel de Sinaloa" tiene presencia en África, donde domina Sudán, Senegal, Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Guinea, Sierra Leona, Liberia, Costa de Marfil, Cabo Verde, Ghana, Togo, Benín y Nigeria, lo que facilita la entrada de la droga a Europa por Portugal y España.

Martín Barrón Cruz, investigador del Instituto Nacional de Ciencias Penales (Inacipe), asegura que el "Cártel Jalisco Nueva Generación" tenía una alianza con el de "El Chapo" Guzmán para operar en África, pero con la extradición de Guzmán Loera a Estados Unidos no se tiene definido si continúan operando juntos en ese continente.

"Hay tres países fundamentalmente complicados: Italia, Holanda y España. El gran problema es que no se conoce lo que sucede en África, tiene su propia lógica y estructura. Ellos (los africanos) necesariamente manejan otros controles para el tráfico de drogas, no sabemos cómo están funcionando y eso obedece al poco interés", indica.

La conexión entre los cárteles de la droga con africanos se corroboró en marzo de 2016, cuando la Agencia Nacional Antidrogas de Nigeria anunció la detención de ocho personas, cuatro de ellos mexicanos, en operativos en los estados de Lagos y Anambra.

Los mexicanos fueron identificados como Cervantes Madrid José Bruno, Rivas Ruiz Pastiano, Castillo Barraza Cristóbal y Partida González Pedro, a quienes se les relacionó como asesores técnicos para el funcionamiento de laboratorios clandestinos.


          The human billboards of Monrovia   
Young men in the Liberian capital are deployed as colourful ‘statues’ by advertising firms for publicity
             
2 juli 2017 afgemeerd in de haven van Antwerpen

LOENERBORG
Bouwjaar 2008, imonummer 9421099, grt 5598
Eigenaar Loenerborg B.V., Delfzijl
Manager Wagenborg Shipping B.V. & Favoriet Shipmanagement B.V., Delfzijl
Gebouwd Nanjing Huatai Shipbuilding Co. Ltd., Nanjing / 5406
LxBxH 108.20 x 18.47 x 9.00 meter
Vermogen 4080 pk, snelheid 11.5 knoop, roepsein PCHH

Voormalige LOENERDIEP van Beheermaatschappij ms Loenerdiep B.V., Groningen
Manager Feederlines B.V., Groningen
7 juli 2011 (e) vlag Liberia, thuishaven Monrovia, roepsein A8ZO8
8 februari 2017 verkocht Loenerborg B.V., Delfzijl / Wagenborg Shipping B.V.
22 februari 2017 herdoopt

© Patrick Blankwaard


          Sverige i FN:s säkerhetsråd vecka 26   
En mötesintensiv vecka i säkerhetsrådet: Syrien både i det politiska och i det humanitära spåret på dagordningen. Ordföranden Bolivias andra stora tematiska övning under månaden i form av en öppen debatt om icke-spridning av massförstörelsevapen till icke-statliga aktörer ägde rum. Ambassadör Skoog briefade rådet i egenskap av ordförande för fredsbyggandekommissionens Liberiakonfiguration i anslutning till rådets briefing och konsultationer om Liberia/UNMIL. Därtill var även Centralafrikanska Republiken, Iran, FN:s regionala center i Centralasien, Libyen och förnyande av mandaten för MINUSMA, UNAMID och UNDOF på rådets agenda. Veckan avslutades med återrapportering från förra veckans rådsresa till Haiti, konsultationer om Colombia samt antagande av en resolution om minhantering och av ett ordförandskapsuttalande om Elfenbenskusten.
          7/3/2017: Business: Liberian youth bring colourful attitude to work   

Standing in sweltering heat for hours at a time, painted head-to-toe in the colours of the tax authority, Emmanuel Howard has become a fixture at traffic junctions in Liberia’s capital Monrovia. Street sensations He and dozens of other young men are...
          Viaggio al Cuore della Materia   

Come ristabilire e rispettare le Leggi dei diversi universi,

extra ed intraterrestri, e delle dimensioni della Madre Terra di cui facciamo parte,

che sono stati occultati dalla caduta?

Come restaurare l'Alleanza e permettere il ritorno dell'Asse

se non con un cambiamento di coscienza?

Le più piccole parti nascoste di noi stessi che liberiamo da un sonno profondo sono un ologramma del Corpo della, Terra che si risveglia.

Intelligenze di Luce ci aprono l'accesso ad altri corridoi temporali per permettere l'emergenza di una nuova specie per l'umanità in mutazione.

Siamo pronti a vivere questo cambiamento che tocca il piano individuale e collettivo? Come fare per rinnovare i nostri contratti con il Ciclo e la Terra, con nostro Padre-Madre, per cambiare i nostri atteggiamenti personali, per vedere e trasmutare ciò che ha deviato-il potere dell'Alleanza in noi stessi? Come rimettere l'atomo in armonia con la vibrazione originaria e il genoma solare?

All'alba dei tempi che vengono, abbiamo la possibilità di riconquistare la nostra divinità e la nostra globalità per essere in accordo con le Leggi dell'Universo.

Grazie a questi nuovi riferimenti, cambiamo le basi attuali dell'umanità che si auto-distrugge, e liberiamo la Realtà solare.

Una coscienza collettiva ci semina attraverso il Corpo della Terra. Una nuova Materia viene...


          New Liberian Music Save Us From Ebola   
new liberian music save us from ebola
          Nina Simone in Liberia   
Katherina Grace Thomas, Guernica
The singer went to Africa, she said, in search of peace, or a husband, or maybe the feeling of home.
          USA Style Diaries - Pretty at my Brother's Graduation!   
Star of the Day!







Dress - Koovs
Golden Pumps - New Look on Koovs
Earrings - Globus
Sunglasses - Ray-Ban
Clutch - Local Fair

Graduations in our house are always a celebration. But this one was really special because it was my baby brother's, and that too from one of the best colleges in the world - Babson College - the most prestigious entrepreneurship college in the United States. I have not seen a graduation ceremony as grand as what I saw that day. The mood was upbeat, every student was super excited to have completed 2 tough, challenging yet gratifying years of their life, and every parent/family member was happy and emotional on being able to be there for such a meaningful and memorable day to commemorate their child/sibling's achievement.

Huge white tents adorned the Babson lawns, and every student was dressed in their academic gowns and caps with tassels on the right, all set to receive their degrees. There were speeches by the faculty and the Commencement address to the students was delivered by Liberian President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, who is the first female President of an African Nation. Once the degrees were received, you could feel the buzz and happiness and all the tassels on the caps moved to the left as all the students were now graduates. This kind of a ceremony is something we miss in India as part of our graduation, but none the less, I am glad I got to witness my brother's! :) This is surely going to go down as one of the most memorable days in my life, where I was present with my entire family to celebrate, as special moments like this are rare to come by!

If you like what you see on Ri(t)ch Styles and want to stay updated regularly, follow Ri(t)ch Styles on 
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          Orange Liberia expands 4G in Margibi County   
(Telecompaper) Orange Liberia has officially announced the launch of its first 4G network outside of Monrovia, bringing it to Kakata in Margibi County, reports the Observer...
          Re: Sex tourism in Gambia...   
From www gvnet.com I transfer the fllowing passage.

Human Trafficking and Modern-day Slavery

The Gambia is a source, transit, and destination country for children and women trafficked for the purposes of forced labor and commercial sexual exploitation. Within The Gambia, women and girls, and to a lesser extent boys, are trafficked for sexual exploitation, in particular to meet the demand for European sex tourism, and for domestic servitude. Boys are trafficked within the country for forced begging by religious teachers and for street vending. Transnationally, women, girls and boys from neighboring countries are trafficked to The Gambia for the same purposes listed above. Primary source countries are Senegal, Mali, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Ghana, Nigeria, Guinea-Bissau, Guinea and Benin. Trafficking of Gambian boys to Senegal for forced begging and Senegalese boys to The Gambia for the same purpose is particularly prevalent. Gambian women and girls are trafficked to Senegal for domestic servitude, and possibly for sexual exploitation. Gambian women and children may be trafficked to Europe through trafficking schemes disguised as migrant smuggling. Reports in the last two years of Gambian, Senegalese, and nationals of other neighboring countries being transported from The Gambia to Spain by boat appear to be predominantly cases of smuggling rather than trafficking. - U.S. State Dept Trafficking in Persons Report, June, 2008 [
          Pavarotti & friends 5 liberia   
none
          Se vende - Gap Moderno Graffiti chicos sz 4 vestido de... - Subasta   
Válor 18470, España
Envío a: Todo el mundo Excluye: Bolivia, Brasil, Paraguay, Venezuela, México, Angola, Congo, República Democrática del, Congo, República del, Costa de Marfil, Liberia, Libia, Nigeria, Sierra Leona, Somalia, Irak, Armenia, Azerbaiyán, Georgia, Kazajstán, Kirguistán, Pakistán, Rusia, Tayikistán, Turkmenistán, Uzbekistán, Bielorrusia, Moldavia, Ucrania
ebay.es

          Se vende - Gap Safari Talla 2 Crema Marrón Floral encaje de... - Subasta   

Válor 18470, España
Envío a: Todo el mundo Excluye: Bolivia, Brasil, Paraguay, Venezuela, México, Angola, Congo, República Democrática del, Congo, República del, Costa de Marfil, Liberia, Libia, Nigeria, Sierra Leona, Somalia, Irak, Armenia, Azerbaiyán, Georgia, Kazajstán, Kirguistán, Pakistán, Rusia, Tayikistán, Turkmenistán, Uzbekistán, Bielorrusia, Moldavia, Ucrania
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          Tendopoli a fuoco, pompieri picchiati dai migranti   
Hanno impegnato l&#39;intera giornata di ieri le operazioni di sbarco e accoglienza per l&#39;arrivo nel porto di Reggio Calabria della nave &laquo;Diciotti&raquo; con a bordo 413 migranti.Il gruppo è composto da varie nazionalità: Africa centrale, Senegal, Costa d&#39;Avorio, Guinea Conaky, Bangladesh, Mali, Gambia, Camerun, Nigeria, Biafra, Sudan, Congo, Burkina Faso, Benin, Niger, Sierra Leone, Togo, Liberia, Eritrea, Ghana, Guinea Bisseaou e Libia. Le attività di primo soccorso e assistenza, coordinate dalla prefettura, sono state prestate dal personale delle forze dell&#39;ordine, della sanità, dell&#39;associazionismo e del volontariato. Al momento dello sbarco i migranti vengono sottoposti alle prime cure sanitarie da parte del personale medico presente sul posto e assistiti dalle Associazioni presenti.Per l&#39;occasione è stata allestita, a cura della Regione Calabria, la tenda per il trattamento igienico sanitario dei migranti con patologie cutanee. I migranti saranno trasferiti secondo il &laquo;Piano di riparto&raquo; predisposto dal Ministero dell&#39;Interno: un piano - quello del ministro dell&#39;Interno - che prevede un&#39;accoglienza mirata, ma la situazione è ormai fuori controllo.E sempre a Reggio Calabria, nella notte, un incendio ha devastato latendopoli di San Feridinando, dove nel periodo estivo vivono alcune centinaia di migranti. Secondo la ricostruzione una persona sarebbe rimasta lievemente ferita. Il rogo ha distrutto baracche e tende della protezione civile. Sul posto sono intervenuti i vigili del fuoco e i carabinieri, che hanno aperto un&#39;indagine per ricostruire l&#39;origine dell&#39; incendio.Davvero inquietante un particolare della vicenda: i vigili del fuoco sono stati infatti aggrediti dai migranti . E anche su questo fronte i carabinieri hanno aperto un&#39;inchiesta. Dopo qualche minuto di attività di spegnimento dal bordo della strada, i vigili del fuoco hanno fatto ingresso all&#39;interno dell&#39;accampamento dove però sono stati circondati e aggrediti da decine di immigrati, infuriati perché, a loro dire, i vigili del fuoco sarebbero intervenuti in ritardo. I pompieri sono riusciti appena in tempo a risalire a bordo del mezzo, che è stato fatto oggetti di lancio di sassi, che hanno sfondato i finestrini laterali e danneggiato il parabrezza. Solo ieri mattina, sotto la scorta della polizia e dei carabinieri, i vigili del fuoco hanno potuto spegnere gli ultimi focolai. A bruciare resta invece la polemica, con un Paese - l&#39;Italia - in balìa dell&#39;emergenza migranti.
          Liberia: Project to Light Up Monrovia Streets Under Way   
[The Capitol Times] For thirty years the streets of communities in Monrovia and its suburb have been emptied in a furious hurry at nightfall. Reported by allAfrica.com 9 minutes ago.
          Re: Sex tourism in Gambia...   
From www gvnet.com I transfer the fllowing passage.

Human Trafficking and Modern-day Slavery

The Gambia is a source, transit, and destination country for children and women trafficked for the purposes of forced labor and commercial sexual exploitation. Within The Gambia, women and girls, and to a lesser extent boys, are trafficked for sexual exploitation, in particular to meet the demand for European sex tourism, and for domestic servitude. Boys are trafficked within the country for forced begging by religious teachers and for street vending. Transnationally, women, girls and boys from neighboring countries are trafficked to The Gambia for the same purposes listed above. Primary source countries are Senegal, Mali, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Ghana, Nigeria, Guinea-Bissau, Guinea and Benin. Trafficking of Gambian boys to Senegal for forced begging and Senegalese boys to The Gambia for the same purpose is particularly prevalent. Gambian women and girls are trafficked to Senegal for domestic servitude, and possibly for sexual exploitation. Gambian women and children may be trafficked to Europe through trafficking schemes disguised as migrant smuggling. Reports in the last two years of Gambian, Senegalese, and nationals of other neighboring countries being transported from The Gambia to Spain by boat appear to be predominantly cases of smuggling rather than trafficking. - U.S. State Dept Trafficking in Persons Report, June, 2008 [
          Liberia: Assistant Minister Fofana Wants Investment in Teenage Girls   
[The Capitol Times] Assistant Minister for Youth Development at the Ministry of Youth and Sports, Kula Fofana has called on parents to invest in their teenage girls by providing them quality education for the betterment of the society.
          Liberia: 12 Rural Communities Declared Open Defecation Free   
[FrontPageAfrica] Margibi County -Twelve Communities in Kakata District, Margibi County have been declared Open Defecation Free (ODF) by the Christian Faith based charity, Living Water International.
          Offer - Lost lover | love spells castings+27784115746 in SOUTH AFRICA vanderbijlpark- alberton - AUSTRALIA   
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          Offer - @@LESIBEN | GAY LOVE SPELLS CASTING%% +27784115746 in SOUTH AFRICA ZEGOVINA,AUSTRALIA, - BRAZIL   
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